1 Introduction

Over the last few years, several authors, such as ^{Cavaliere (2002)}, Coelho (1997), ^{Faria (1991}, ²⁰¹⁷), Lôbo Junior (1988), ^{Silva (2009)}, among others, have written about the trajectory of Integrated Health Centers Public Education (CIEPs) and their contributions to the field of education and integral education, always very well outlined in their work. Regarding the relevance of the topic, it is worth remembering that, as we approach the end of the current National Education Plan (2014-2024), which establishes 20 goals and outlines national policies to guide district, state and municipalities, Brazil has not yet been successful in guaranteeing the right to a socially referenced quality education, with valued and qualified teachers for the challenges faced daily in the school environment.

The Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil of ¹⁹⁸⁸, in its article 205, recommends that “Education, a right of all and a duty of the State and the family, will be promoted and encouraged with the collaboration of society, aiming at the full development of the person, their preparation for the exercise of citizenship and qualification for work”. As stated above, Brazilian legislation upholds the right of all children, adolescents and young people to basic education. Thus, the right to education is more than a right for everyone, presupposing guaranteed access and permanence to provide quality education for all individuals.

Continuing in the context of neglect of public services, denial of science and attacks on education and culture, religious fundamentalism and ultra-liberal ideology, expanded under the Bolsonaro government, challenged constitutional guarantees and the obligation to protect human rights in the country, when the world found itself faced with the Covid-19 pandemic, which spread in Brazil in March 2020, in addition to uprooting the lives of hundreds of thousands of Brazilians, it had a major impact on both the economy and education with measures to restrict movement imposed by public authorities.

The suspension of face-to-face classes imposed by public authorities meant that all education professionals and students had to opt for remote teaching, proving to be one of Brazil's alternatives with the aim of maintaining the school's bond with its students, but The serious consequences were mainly concentrated in public education, accentuating a historical and structural inequality that marks our society.

Education is a fundamental right that not only helps the individual, but also the development of a country. According to ^{Faria (1991}, p. 99), the program is “[...] the possible utopia that we, public school educators, should not give up”, because only through it is it possible to find solutions to problems such as poverty and violence. Furthermore, through education, access to other human rights is also guaranteed, such as equality and the strengthening of democracy.

In this sense, in an attempt to promote dialogue with these authors and reinforce the importance of this program - perhaps the greatest education project that Brazilian society has ever experienced -, we bring here some more considerations about CIEPs and their consequences. Furthermore, we intend to present the restitution of some memories about the training paths and professional trajectories of two former directors of CIEP 123 (Nova Friburgo) and CIEP 297 (Vassouras).

We understand that approaching female protagonism from the history of these women, former directors who worked on this project, their lives, desires and ways of thinking is to rethink the entire writing of history. Furthermore, in the field of education, women have made great progress in recent years. Thus, we will bring the historically produced context as a pulling of threads, as a way of organizing events. Based on this premise, for the next section, we will reflect on the program.

2 Implementation of CIEPs

The implementation of CIEPs in the first half of the 1980s, as a public policy implemented during the first government of Leonel de Moura Brizola in the state of Rio de Janeiro (1983-1986), emphasized its progressive character and political commitment to children's schooling. of the popular classes.

The CIEPs invaded the capital and the interior of the state of Rio de Janeiro with their pre-molded structures, designed by Oscar Niemeyer. According to Niemeyer: “CIEPs are beautiful, large schools, giving the poorest children who attend them the idea [sic] that one day the world will change and that they will be able to enjoy everything that until today only the richest children are offered. ” (^{CIEP Special, 2010}).

Although Darcy Ribeiro was not the education secretary of the Brizola government, the CIEPs project gained priority on the government's agenda, taking into account mainly the experience led by Anísio Teixeira as education secretary of the state of Bahia, inaugurating the Carneiro Ribeiro Educational Center in 1950. , better known as Escola Parque, under the government of Otávio Mangabeira (^{Cunha, 1991}).

One of the great challenges when studying CIEPs is understanding the connection and ruptures that exist between the project it proposed to be and what it actually became. The first Special Education Program (I PEE) not only included CIEPs, but these became the flagship of Brizola's first government in Rio de Janeiro (1983-1986).

Among the new programs that aimed to attack serious educational problems and that gained political and social repercussions was that of governor Leonel Brizola. The program implemented in the state created a network of full-time public schools, the Integrated Public Education Centers - CIEPs, operated by the Special Education Program/I PEE (1983 - 1986). The CIEPs project, created and coordinated by Darcy Ribeiro, had a bold character, associating full-time hours with a school proposal that was intended to be democratic (^{Souza, 2014}, p. 123).

The CIEPs aimed to provide education, sports, medical care, food and a variety of cultural activities, all within the school space. According to ^{Faria (2017}, p. 2), “The true founder of CIEPs was undeniably professor Darcy Ribeiro, who was inspired by the ideas of Anísio Teixeira to create the first Full-Time Public School Project, as a primary school network. degree institutionalized in our country [...]”.

According to ^{Faria (2017)}, education in the context of CIEPs was considered by Brizola as a priority, since high investments were made in education. The author points out the investments made by the state and municipality of Rio de Janeiro: “What can be proven by the 39.25% invested in Education and Culture in the state budget of Rio de Janeiro, in 1986” (^{Faria, 2017}, p 99).

In this context, according to ^{Faria (2017}, p. 99), “The municipality of Rio de Janeiro also invested 43% of its budget in Education and Culture, integrating itself with the State in the same project”. Since then, after several other governors passed through the state of Rio de Janeiro, it was not possible to perceive the existence of a political project for education truly aimed at the structural improvement of public education offered in the country, aiming to reduce the numerous educational inequalities.

It is important to highlight the great importance of contributing to the effort to restore this very remarkable historical experience for education in Rio de Janeiro, that is, the experience of the CIEPs, “Therefore, discuss and analyze the new educational public policies, considered the main priority of the Brizola government (1983-1986), demarcate a theoretical objective in the sense of recovering that state and national political scenario” (^{Faria, 2017}, p. 106).

The CIEPs were designed to serve children aged 7 to 10 years in the 1st PEE, expanding this service, with the creation of public gymnasiums, in the 2nd PEE, however, in 1996, with the promulgation of the Law of Guidelines and Bases of National Education (LDBEN) No. 9,394/¹⁹⁹⁶, this configuration of the state network begins to change, as the responsibility of the state network in Rio de Janeiro would be focused on offering secondary education.To this end, the state network begins to concentrate its activity on the final years of Elementary Education and High School, passing on the responsibility for offering Early Childhood Education and the initial years of Elementary Education, little by little, to the municipalities. This change, greatly felt in the early 2000s, is now consolidated and many CIEP and conventional school buildings have already been municipalized, although LDBEN does not establish that the state network should stop offering this segment of Elementary Education. The project also envisaged a systematic action for continuing teacher training, an essential activity of the PEE, in which CIEP was inserted as a leading initiative (^{Faria, 1991}; ^{Lôbo Júnior, 1988}; ^{Silva, 2009}). We believe, therefore, that the historical perspective offers the opportunity to think about pedagogical practice from a perspective that allows us to uncover issues that permeate our daily actions.

3 CIEPs and continuing teacher training

In his first government, Leonel Brizola began to define more precisely the guidelines for democratizing school education in the state of Rio de Janeiro. During this period, a great movement of debate about education was established, with the participation of the most different sectors of Rio de Janeiro society.

Given this, ^{Silva (2009}, p. 27) points out that “[...] the creators of the CIEPs did not believe that it would be possible to build this new school, without education professionals having space and time to critically reflect on the problems of public education". In this context, the continued training of teachers was one of the milestones of the project, with the concern being to continuously train male and female teachers.

The emphasis given to the continued training of teachers, in order to give new meaning to the “[...] perception and appreciation of popular culture, which in turn could structure teaching practices capable of recognizing in the culture of children of popular origin a meaning and value symbolic symbols strong enough to convert it into cultural capital” (Silva, 1997 apud ^{Silva, 2009}, p. 13).

However, in Brazil, even today, a large percentage of Basic Education teachers are without adequate training. ^{Gatti and Barreto (2009}, p. 8) point out that “[...] the fact is that the vast majority of countries have not yet managed to achieve the minimum standards necessary to make the teaching profession equal to its public responsibility towards the millions of students”.

What can be observed throughout the research is that some supported it, indicating that it was an initiative of great relevance. However, we must highlight the notes of ^{Faria (1991}, p. 23), “Despite the criticisms and difficulties encountered, the PDT's educational proposal had the support of several teachers, as well as obtaining the sympathy of a large part of the population of Rio de Janeiro”.

The program implemented in the state, operated by I PEE, created a network of full-time public schools. Therefore, this large number of new schools would result in a huge need for new teachers for the Rio de Janeiro State Department of Education, as the department did not have available teachers.

In this context, a Pedagogical Training Consultancy (CPT) was organized, consisting of working groups from CA to 4th grade and 5th to 8th grade, responsible for the work of improving teaching staff and employees, through intensive training, training in service and seminars and also through the guidance of technical-pedagogical teams (^{Silva, 2009}).

Leonel Brizola, Darcy Ribeiro and Oscar Niemeyer, influenced by a political and ideological conception that the education of the popular classes should be in environments designed for this purpose, which took into account a pedagogical project of integral and full-time education, depending, for so much, of privileged spaces. They understood it as being fundamental that the pedagogical practices to be carried out in schools considered the importance of developing all human potential, whether physical, motor, emotional, artistic, cognitive, among others, contributing to the development of human beings in a omnilateral. In addition to understanding the educational path as a continuum that takes place throughout school life, as well as throughout life, it means considering the uniqueness of times and ways of learning of different subjects.

This does not deny that there were points to be reviewed, as, like any public policy, its effectiveness needs to be evaluated and restructured. In the next section, we will bring the testimonies of former directors from their time at CIEPs.

4 Memories and narratives: experiences of women teachers who worked within CIEPs

With a view to understanding the family, school and professional trajectories of these former leaders, we were able to identify how their family origins and experiences contributed to the formation of their attitudes, values and decisions in leading those schools. We understand that women have a lot to say about their experiences and potential and unfortunately, over the years, women have been silenced in history, which still impacts scientific, literary and historiographical production. Even in light of the advances made, it is recognized that there are still challenges in confronting violence, guaranteeing rights and recognizing women in spaces. It is also necessary to consider the intersections of race, class and gender that generate greater inequalities in different female trajectories.

In the professional area, women are historically linked to the domestic sphere and men to the public sphere (^{Schiebinger, 2001}). As a mark of this conservative thought, women from that period and even today, even though they are occupying more spaces, participate in them strictly. This means that, despite the rise of women, there are still signs of gender domination.

The teachers participating in the research experienced, in the 1980s, a more autonomous and independent social identity (^{Sarti, 2007}). The woman who, in the past, had little choice, in contemporary times, begins to escape biological and social determinism and finds herself subject to her desire. As an example of this, we will bring reports from two teachers who were former directors of CIEPs during the program's implementation period.

The teacher Ângela Fernandes (71 years old), a university professor, was director of CIEP 123 Glauber Rocha, which is located on Avenida Governador Roberto Silveira, number 1.800, Jardim Ouro Preto, in the municipality of Nova Friburgo, state of Rio de Janeiro, and the teacher Magda Sayão (61 years old), current municipal secretary of education of Vassouras, who was director of CIEP 297 Padre Salésio Schmidt, which is located at Avenida Marechal Paulo Torres, number 551, in the center of the municipality of Vassouras, state of Rio de Janeiro.

It is worth noting that we gathered the testimonies of the aforementioned teachers, who pointed out a lack of precise memories about the continuing education process offered at CIEPs, but reported in some details their life trajectory. According to ^{Benjamin (1994)}, memory is the way of establishing relationships in the world, mainly with knowledge and life experiences. He points out that, when we produce memory, we are not only building knowledge, but, above all, tracing relationships with our sensitivity, especially with regard to the relationship with the sensitivity of the subject as a child and the subject as an adult.

However, ^{Benjamin (1994)} does not prioritize these times of memory nor does he present the process of memory production as a rational phenomenon, formulating the concept of narrative linked to the concept of memory. The author asserts that: “[...] People who know how to narrate properly are increasingly rare. When someone is asked in a group to narrate something, embarrassment becomes widespread [...]” (^{Benjamin, 1994}, p. 197-198). Oral history, as a method of investigation, enables the recovery of narration, enables the act of remembering, of promoting meetings between subjects to share experiences and disseminate them.

The following script was organized according to three categories, namely: family trajectory, training and professional experience, which addressed the aspects that we intend to discuss in this study: the concept of habitus in ^{Bourdieu (1996}, ¹⁹⁹⁸), which considers three moments as crucial for the constitution of habitus, namely: family socialization (primary habitus), school socialization (secondary habitus) and professional socialization (tertiary habitus).

5 About family trajectories

^{Bourdieu (1998)} presents the idea that the family occupies a privileged place as a space for socialization. From this perspective, the individual incorporates his first habitus, which is the system of lasting dispositions acquired throughout socialization processes. In this sense, when narrating about their childhoods, the teachers interviewed revealed that the family and social context contributed to their academic and professional training. The references made to different people from family life and other contexts, who influenced the course of life, are remembered, not in a dense and descriptive way, but with lightness and tranquility. In relation to childhood memories, we identified in the teachers the memory of the mother as the main character in their concern for their children's schooling.

M. Nogueira and C. Nogueira (2000) state that it is very common, in middle-class and popular families, for parents to try to guarantee their children the education they did not have access to. The teachers interviewed gave a brief report on their parents’ training:

I am the daughter of a teacher and a soldier. My father was an air force soldier, my mother was a teacher (Professor Ângela).

The Brazilian Forestry Institute seems to me... it was called forestry inspectors back then, perhaps, if it were today, it would be these environmental engineers (Professor Magda).

Mom was very encouraging, because, even though she wasn't a trained teacher, she always worked with women in the communities (Professor Magda).

It is worth highlighting that the positive meaning attributed to children's schooling is one of the ways to overcome the difficulties and adversities experienced by them, which remained outside the literate culture, the academy. In this sense, habitus can be seen as the counterpoint to structural pressures if we observe the excerpts above.

The social origin of the teachers interviewed creates a strong rapprochement between them, as they point out their childhoods as those of happy children. Let’s look at the excerpts: “A beautiful childhood” (Teacher Magda); and “I was a privileged child” (Professor Ângela), that is, without major difficulties, however, in that period, the way that parents had to provide their daughters with social mobility was through teaching.

On top of the primary habitus, constituted in family socialization, secondary habitus are added, acquired in other processes and places of socialization, among which the school context stands out, which we will discuss in the next section.

6 Training trajectories

The marks left by their teachers stand out in the interviewees' memories, which are regular references in the narratives, because they are related to the representations and feelings that are constructed about school and the learning process, as in Ângela's report: “I did Science Social there because of a normal teacher, I fell in love with Sociology because of her.” On the other hand, in the family environment there was also a lot of stimulation.

In this sense, the way they built their trajectory positively influenced the way each one built their own model of teaching practice. According to one of the interviewees' reports: “Reading in my house was always very encouraged, music was very encouraged, so much so that my brothers play, my sister and I also play” (Teacher Magda).

It is worth highlighting that the interviewees understand, then, that their parents were not completely devoid of institutionalized cultural capital or in the form of cultural assets and, for this reason, it could influence their constitution as teachers.

The set of stories told seems to confirm the importance of the school institution for the successive transformation of the habitus acquired in family socialization, as the school is an institution “[...] invested with the function of transmitting 'culture' consciously and, to a certain extent, unconsciously, or more precisely, to produce individuals endowed with unconscious systems which constitute their culture, or rather, their habitus” (^{Bourdieu, 2004}, p. 346):

I went to primary school at Joaquim Nabuco, in Botafogo, it was also a well-known state school. Then I went to Cosmo Barcelos, there in Copacabana, I think it was grade five, like Copacabana, so I went to fourth Barcelos Also, it was a state school. And my gymnasium was what I did at a private school, I did it at Santa Úrsula, but then I went back to normal and then I did the State University of Guanabara (Professor Ângela).

[...] I went to literacy, then I went to Santos Anjos school, which was for nuns, and there in Santos Anjos, because there were already small town things, Vassouras, everyone knew each other, so there was that reference . Fulana was a Early Childhood Education teacher, the other was a great literacy teacher (Professor Magda).

I studied Pedagogy that same year (Professor Magda).

As for memories of school experiences and the teachers they interacted with, the interviewees' memories focused mainly on events that had an affective impact on their lives and school trajectories.

The teachers who marked their trajectories helped to internalize some dispositions, which are reflected in the current pedagogical practice of the interviewees, such as: the way they relate to their students; the value they attribute to the affective dimension in the educational process; and also the preference for certain areas of knowledge. Let’s look at the story: “I fell in love with Sociology because of her” (Professor Ângela). According to the reports:

Joyce was my teacher in early childhood, in normal school and at university (Professor Magda).

She is Ms. Ceni from the 1st year, Ms. Leda from the 2nd year, Ms. Rute and Ms. Meri were the four primary teachers that I never forgot. I always had a lot of affection for these teachers (Professor Ângela).

Therefore, the interviewees linked the image of their teachers to that of pedagogically competent professionals, who are also competent with regard to interpersonal relationships. ^{Bourdieu (2004)} points out that these images attributed to teachers are part of a common body of categories, the result of the internalization of thought schemes to which the subjects were subjected during the schooling process.

7 Professional trajectory

According to ^{Bourdieu (2004)}, habitus is a set of subjective dispositions structured in the subject, according to the way in which he internalized the objective structures in which he lived a determined socialization process. These dispositions structure the categories of perception that guide the subject's actions in the field, as shown in this passage by ^{Bourdieu (1992}, p. 24): “[...] the habitus takes the form of a set of historical relations' deposited in individual bodies, in the form of mental and bodily schemes of perception, appreciation and action”.

It is important to highlight that the fact that teaching is mainly carried out by women would be one of the reasons why this profession is not so valued, becoming poorly paid. This conception comes from the idea that women, when carrying out the role of educating their children, would already be prepared to train children in schools. The two functions would not be distinguished, so the woman would not have to make an effort to carry out maternal and educational activities (^{Brito et al., 2014}).

It is important to consider that the lack of recognition of women in education may also be related to what, in general, is conceived as education and what knowledge is valued, since, in addition to the women who fought directly for the defense of school education, others involved in educational training, through involvement in politics, social movements, popular education, resistance, trade union organizations, among other spaces.

From this perspective, in addition to family and school trajectories, it is important to analyze work experiences as a source of professional dispositions. Let’s look at the interviewees’ reports:

We went together to implement the CIEP in Vassouras, because, in the first program, I stayed in this study support within the regions, visiting the regions, advertising training, ideas, communities, so what reading did we have? (Professor Magda).

CIEP Glauber Rocha, it didn't even have a name, it was CIEP one, two, three, then I was the first director (Professor Ângela).

It is worth mentioning that each field defines its particular values and has its own regulatory principles. These principles will define the borders of a socially structured space. However, there are no rules for establishing limits for a field, hence the difficulty of precisely delimiting the boundaries between different fields.

The field is mainly a space of conflicts and disputes, where individuals fight depending on the position they occupy in that space, trying to establish a monopoly over the capital that constitutes itself as effective in it. It is important to highlight that not all capital models are effective in all fields, as ^{Bourdieu (1992}, p.74) explains: “[...] in the same way that the relative strength of the cards changes depending on the game, the hierarchy of different types of capital (economic, cultural, social and symbolic) in different fields”.

The paths that the interviewed teachers took throughout their profession are very different. The references contained in the narratives about the beginning of teaching and the first professional experiences are linked to the idea of teaching as a life project.

For ^{Huberman (2000)}, the beginning of professional life is characterized as a moment of “survival”, in which the individual needs to confront previous experiences, arising from the training processes and the different moments of socialization to which they were subjected, to the realities of the world of work. According to the aforementioned author: “The aspect of 'survival' translates what is commonly called the 'shock of the real', the initial confrontation with the complexity of the professional situation: the constant groping” (^{Huberman, 2000}, p. 39).

At the beginning of their work at CIEP, teachers showed an affinity towards the proposals. Let's see in the report: “We are already brizolistas, so that was how we were enchanted in the first program” (Professor Magda), something already expected, since the government of the Democratic Labor Party (PDT), when thinking about a school differentiated from regular schools already existing on the network, decided that this school would be different in every aspect. Therefore, not even the physical structure could be similar to that of a public school building.

Whoever went to CIEP chose it, do you understand me? He wanted this school to work, he made himself available to this school, believing in the project. Oh! Because it was a project built from the ground up, it wasn't a project that came from the top. Did you have this meeting? Was there this mobilization? He had? But it was something that was growing. Basic (Professor Angela).

Joyce worked on the implementation of CIEPs, who at that time was responsible for the agencies that were called in the regions, agencies had another name, today it is the Regional Coordination, and Joyce was responsible in the first Brizola government, so that was how we began, and she was a very good friend of Brizola, a deep activist of Brizola (Professor Magda).

The narratives of the teachers interviewed are full of admiration for the CIEPs' proposal. They talk about this process of continued formation with a mixture of contentment, joy and gratitude, for having had the opportunity to experience it.

When observing the narratives, due to the wealth of details, we noticed a tone of nostalgia in their reports about their teaching practices within the scope of CIEPs. It is worth highlighting that the continued training offered in the project is an important mark of their teaching activity, their permanence in teaching and the decision to continue studies at a higher level. Professor Magda’s narratives clearly highlight these issues:

School that did not see education as an expense, but as an investment, but we understand today, at that time too, and we think that today the teaching staff also understands better that there was a need to create a secretariat that at that time was called extraordinary and Then the network began to boom, even feeling a little discriminated against. It was as if we, within CIEP, had everything. Imagine me, leaving a traditional school, which had almost three thousand students, and going to a school that had everything that was beautiful, wonderful.

Based on ^{Bourdieu (1992)}, it is possible to affirm that the constitutive dispositions of the habitus, which were internalized from the continued training offered in the project, are at the origin of the practices developed, as teachers, within CIEP itself, as they are completely adjusted to the conditions of that reality, which made the work more “natural”.

8 Final considerations

Analyzing the implementation of the project, the family, school and professional trajectories of the former directors at CIEPs and, in particular, the experience of the continuing education proposal developed there, produced in the teachers interviewed a deep and lasting habitus, which, to this day, structures, on the one hand, many of his perceptions about public schools, about the continuing training of teachers and about the schooling of children from the popular classes.

These conceptions by ^{Bourdieu (1996)} are used in various fields of knowledge, as social practices are structured and present properties characteristic of the social position of those who produce them. Thus, “[...] the position occupied in the social space, that is, in the distribution structure of different types of capital, which are also weapons, controls the representations of this space and the positions taken in the struggles to conserve it or transform it” (^{Bourdieu, 1996}, p.27). In this way, it is vital to understand public, secular and free schools as a necessary project for the construction of an effectively democratic society.

Thus, the school, as part of formal education, has a fundamental role in promoting and encouraging a socially referenced quality education for all subjects and which makes them capable of facing the challenges imposed by the capitalist system, as the school is, before all, of all, space and time of socialization, emancipation and humanization of individuals, in difference, diversity, plurality, conflict, and contradiction (^{Teixeira, 1997}). For Brazilian society to overcome gender, racial and many other inequalities, it is necessary to implement public policies that are accessible to everyone.