By way of introduction: UPPE - PURPOSES AND GOALS

The statement UPPE - Purposes and goals is a highlight on the cover of Síntese Journal’s edition n. 21, referring to the months of April to September 1977. The title is related to the services offered by the State Primary Teachers’ Union (UPPE) [União de Professores Primários Estaduais] to the members of this institution, which are related to medical and dental care and housing to primary teachers in social vulnerability.

Taking as privileged source the covers of Síntese pedagogical journal, this article seeks clues about UPPE, which produced and distributed the journal. Entering the teaching associations investigation field aims to scrutinize the means used to build the teachers professional identities, especially at the end of 1960s and 1970s. In the case of the analyzed entity, the investigation turns to the path of Rio de Janeiro’s primary teacher’s identity build, specifically Niterói’s group of teachers, as it was, mainly, the place where the journal circulated (^{BRAGA, 2017}).

The UPPE has been a teacher’s entity since 1945, when was founded by Maria Francisca Pereira Marinho. At its foundation, received the first of its other designations: State Teachers’ Union (UPE). In the same year, after the development and approval of its statute, was renamed State Primary Teachers’ Union (UPPE). In 1980, it began to serve high school teachers and second part of elementary school teachers, receiving the name of State Public Teachers’ Union (UPPE). In November 1988, with the Federal Constitution enactment, UPPE turned into a Union, receiving the name of Public Teachers’ Union in the State (UPPES/Union).

Ramos (2015) classifies the entity as conservative, regarding its practices and conceptions. These allegations refer to, mainly, the praises to military regime politicians and the constant patriotic glorifications that appear in UPPE’s journal issues. According to ^{Braga (2017}), there was a modification in the creation purposes of the entity and the directions taken over the years. These modifications point towards guaranteeing the existence of the entity, especially during Amaral Peixoto’s intervening political period, in the government of Rio de Janeiro’s state.

The creation of UPPE is attributed to a misunderstanding between the teacher Maria Francisca and Amaral Peixoto (^{MACHADO, 2013}). The episode took place in early April 1945, when a group of female teachers was getting ready to talk to the Intervenor Amaral Peixoto. The teachers arrived at this meeting in a march organized by teacher Maria Francisca. The strategy was to gather teachers of several regions of Niterói and go to Ingá’s Palace. The teachers planned to be received by Amaral Peixoto, to make wage demands. There was a wish that Amaral Peixoto’s Ajudantes de Ordens [Orders Helpers] would arrange the meeting.

Once the rally was organized, the teacher Maria Francisca took the front, as a leader of the movement. When they arrived at Ingá’s Palace, an orders helper determined that a group of teachers should be organized to speak to the Intervenor. In front of the Palace staircase, the chosen teachers saw the opening of the doors and sight Amaral Peixoto in a short distance. In this moment, the Intervenor asked his Ajudantes de Ordens: - Afterall, what does these teachers want? Without asking the group that awaited, the helpers informed that they were waiting to speak with him. Again, Amaral Peixoto insisted: - But tell me, what do they want? Once again, they answered for the group: - They came to ask for a wage improvement. Unlike the rest of the conversation, this time, the Intervenor turned directly to Maria Francisca and said: - But communist teacher also asks for a raise? There is no way the State can do that, no. (^{MACHADO, 2013}, p. 27). This was the hole dialog with Amaral Peixoto, at that time.

Maria Francisca was a daughter of farmers and sister of Astrogildo Pereira, founder of the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB). This was certainly one of the reasons that led Amaral Peixoto to refer to her as a “communist teacher”. ^{Braga (2017}) points out that Maria Francisca shared the same ideals as her brother, as she saw the foundation of the Communist Party at her own house. Her goal was to create the Education Party, bringing all Brazil’s teachers together. (^{BRAGA, 2017}).

Maria Francisca was a UPPE’s founder but remained as a director of the entity for a short time. In 1946, the teacher Icleya Gomes de Almeida, who was married to an important doctor of the region and had been director of Guilherme Brigg’s Scholar Group, based in Santa Rosa, Niterói, was elected president of the entity. ^{Braga (2017}) points that even removed of the role, Maria Francisca remained behind the scenes of UPPE until the 1970s. The definitive removal happened during the years of Anaíta Cardoso’s direction (1962-1988) (^{BRAGA, 2017}).

It was during the administration of teacher Anaíta Cardoso that the entity’s journal was created. The first issue was launched in July 1968, named as Síntese Informativa da UPPE [UPPE’s Informative Synthesis]. The initial edition marks that the goal of creating the newspaper refer to approaching the membership and providing information about UPPE’s activities. In September 1972, the journal was renamed as Síntese [Synthesis], but continued, as stated on its cover, to be a State Primary Teachers Union’s Official Organism, highlighting the journal’s links. The journal ran between July 1968 to December 1979. The editions vary between a quarterly, semiannual and even annual periodicity (^{BRAGA, 2017}).

Síntese journal is a privileged source to comprehend UPPE. Using the educational press as a source brings out a range of possibilities, because as points out ^{Cunha (2015}), the printed matter is part of a materiality which gives us access to a reading of the past, of the present and the desires to a future that we seek. Thus, being used in this logic, they gain “historical citizenship”, which since its destination and its table of contents, have as purpose a pedagogical function, of educating, establishing creativity in readers, considering that reading, as doctrinal as it may be, does not lose its aspect as a creative practice (^{CUNHA, 2015}).

The cover pages as a journal’s showcase

Síntese journal gives access to the current practices and concepts about and to the primary magisterium of the entity that produced it. The importance of the journal is also verified by bringing out voices that possibly would not be heard in other documentations (^{NÓVOA, 1997}). The journalistic writing is expressive, because, in many times, it is not overly filtered, making it possible to unveil not detected situations, for example, in other materials, such as official documents, according to the author.

To consider these aspects by bringing the covers of the printed materials as privileged source requires to regard that there is a centrality in these materials. Protagonists of what the tabloid intends to advertise, the covers announce, anticipate, seduce the reader and are a space noble in the journals (RAMALHO, MASSARI, ^{MEDEIROS, 2010}). Far from the idea of a neutral and unintentional space, a newspaper’s front page is responsible for exposing the goals, the political, social, and cultural affiliations. It is a showcase, as it brings information of the entire newspaper. The front page contains the information that was considered most relevant to the editors, followed by intertextual elements, interspersed by written texts, photos, illustrations, and advertisement. The typography chosen to each cover is intended to make the reader want to read the whole newspaper.

To Oliveira (2015), the cover must break with the conception of a store display. The news needs to be shown in a way that brings out the reader’s interest to scroll it and enjoy the reading. The text exposed in the front page of a printed material may present a level of humor or not, but fundamentally, it must arouse the curiosity for reading.

Printed newspapers value their covers. By analyzing this part of the journal, it is possible to notice the journal’s social identity, the journalistic features, and its positions in relation to social events. Given the centrality of its choice, to be on a journal cover the news must go through multiple steps of selection, which should consider the target goal of the news (FORMENTÃO, 2009).

^{Larentis (2008}) points out that in the name, in the photo or in the journal cover’s text a kind of “trust ‘presence’ lives. The choice of the cover’s elements - as its particular typology - means to produce a speech that contains a repertoire where trust is present and presentable” (p. 34). Therefore, the tabloid first page is also elaborated to convey credibility and legitimacy about what is to be presented in the journal. Immediately, the reader’s trust is established by the journal’s cover.

UPPE’s journal covers contribute to the analysis about the entity, as well as it allows the verification of the adhesions and distances that the entity made throughout the period when the journal circulated. It is also a possibility to look at the guidance and behaviors recommended to the fluminense elementary school teachers. These analyses intend to shed light on the primary teachers’ associations, regarding the representations and values disseminated of the pedagogical practices and the social recommendations. This is an investigation of the way in which the identity of Rio de Janeiro primary teachers was built during the years of 1960/1970 and how the promoting entities of this construction used the available resources to disseminate their ideas.

Covers that tell stories

Síntese newspaper circulated for eleven years, with twenty-seven issues, during the period of 1968 to 1979. There wasn’t a regularity of publications. In some years there were three issues published, in other years only one. ^{Braga (2017}) points out that there is no information in the journal about the regularity of publications. The evidences indicate that the issues correspond to the entity’s demands.

In the period when the journal circulated, several typographical changes were made. ^{Luca (2011}) states that “the advent of illustration was essential to the boost and the diversification of the printed journal” (p.134). In that sense, the selection considered the typographical changes in the journal throughout its existence because the modifications meant bringing dynamism and had the purpose to express the journal’s goals in an efficient way. Considering that the newspaper was intended to be the broadcaster of the entity’s ideas, these changes bring clues about the entity’s strategies on keeping itself efficient in the disseminations of its conceptions.

It was in July 1968 that the first issue of the journal began to circulate. The Síntese Informativa da UPPE [UPPE’s Informative Synthesis] was simple and handmade. The cover displayed only the journal’s name.

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Issue nº 01 Síntese Informativa da UPPE / July 1968 

When UPPE published its first sample, it was July 1968. By that time, there has been four years of the military government. The leader of the government was Costa e Silva (1967-68). This government left its mark by the expansion of military apparatus in the information field. The first stage of this growth started in the previous government, of President Castelo Branco, with the creation of the National Information Service (SNI). At this point, therefore, there was an expansion of the surveillance character of the public machine, with USA collaboration (^{D’ARAUJO, JOFFILY, 2019}).

In the field of communications, since 1967, the press, newspapers and journalists were trying to adapt to the new rules that became effective by the Press Law. This was about legal devices reunited in the 5.250 Law, which took effect on March 14, 1967. In line with the National Security Law, in practice, the legislation was intended to censor the press. ^{Fico (2019}) points out that everything was able to be censured, it was only necessary for the government to be guided by the dubiousness present in the legislation.

Unlike UPPE, which expanded its communication channels without its associates going through censorship filters, in the field of class associations, the Guanabara Teachers Union lived under severe repression, since 1964, having its peak in 1968, points ^{Carvalho (2008}). In this moment, the teachers were frightened to attend the Union, even though it continued to function in apparent normality.

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Issue nº 02 Síntese Informativa da UPPE / March 1969 

In its second issue, the journal changed the cover’s typography. The amateurishness of the first edition was exchanged for a more elaborated organization. At the techniques of mainstream journal’s production scope, in 1968, A Folha de São Paulo began to “cold print” its newspapers, which was an offset technique. Before this process, the jargon “hot print” was used (^{MARTINS, LUCA, 2015}). The offset way was a major revolution in Brazil’s Graphical Parks. This photocomposition process brought innovation and changed the design of daily newspapers. While the manual method composition and the hot print both required that the type should be inked to printing, in this approach, the characters are projected and exposed on a photosensitive film or paper, resulting in well-defined block letters (^{AZEVEDO, 2009}). UPPE’s journal began to use this new technology in the mid-1970s.

In those late 1960s, when UPPE’s journal was getting distant from amateur production techniques, the publication printed a cover that highlighted literacy. This topic was emblematic within the military government. In 1967, the government developed the Brazilian Literacy Movement - MOBRAL (created from the 5.379/67 Law), which aimed to eradicate illiteracy in ten years. Before the military coup of 1964, the country experienced a meaningful moment in relation to educational campaigns and popular culture programs, especially in Brazil’s Northeast. It was at this period that social mobilizations in favor of the so-called basic reforms increased. The northeast rural sector was in a fuss, due to Peasant Leagues and rural Unions’ struggle for agrarian reform. Political parties that advocated for the reforms were also growing in the parliament, as well as left wing politicians were standing out in the elections. Some Catholic Church groups were getting closer to the social matters that were growing around the country. In foreign affairs, the “Cold War” and Cuba’s Socialist Revolution set the tone in international relations.

In this context, education gained relevance in groups which advocated for the basic reforms. This importance was beyond the literacy of thousands of people, it concerned the political aspect of education, that was related to building citizenship and political participation of several groups in Brazilian society. Thus, initiatives emerged in Recife’s city government, which initiate the Movimento de Cultura Popular (MCP) [Popular Culture Movement]; in Natal, the “De Pé no Chão Também se Aprende a Ler” [Barefoot Can Also Learn How to Read]; in João Pessoa, emerged the Campanha de Educação Popular (Ceplar) [Popular Education Campaign]. The National Bishop Confederation of Brazil (CNBB) established the Movimento de Educação Popular (MEB) [Popular Education Movement].

Although they already had their own methodologies, these educational initiatives were influenced by Paulo Freire’s successful literacy work. These results were decisive so that, in the beginning of 1964, before the Military Coup, when the National Literacy Plan was established, the Paulo Freire’s method was made official by the Brazilian government.

The period between 1964 to 1969 is characterized by an absence of the State regarding adult access to literacy (ALMEIDA, DE CARVALHO, 2020). Since the Military Coup in 1964, the people’s educational and formational practices were regulated, considering the resistance of the press and military government to Freire’s literacy practices.

This gap forced the military government to take a stand in relation to the provision of education to adults without schooling. The strategy was to search for an educational policy that would be in line with businessmen and the repressive State. In September 1967, the Functional Literacy and Continuing Adult Education Plan was sent to congress, being a plan that dealt with this situation and would collaborate with the proposition of initiatives to young people and adults schooling. Thus, in 1969, the Mobral begins to function.

Alongside the significant literacy matter, the meeting with the governor Geremias Fontes was also gaining relevance. This politician was affiliated with the Aliança Renovadora Nacional (ARENA) [National Renewing Alliance], political party in line with the military government, since the establishment of the Institutional Act number 2 (AI-2) - which extinguish political parties and deployed the two-party system. Geremias’ election was in February 1966, as determinate by Institutional Act number 3 (AI-3), which made State elections indirect. Thereby, in September of this same year, Geremias Fontes was chosen to be Rio de Janeiro’s state governor by the Legislative Assembly. At that time, Rio de Janeiro’s capitol was Niterói, same city as UPPE’s headquarter.

On the date of Síntese’s second issue publication, only three months had passed since the implementation of Institutional Act number 5 (AI-5). In the studies about the dictatorship, the AI-5 was the most important act, as it was a scenario of a coup inside of another one. By this legislation, the country left in the past what was remaining of public and individual freedom. It is with the introduction of this Act that the “leaden years” begins (^{D’ARAUJO, JOFFILY, 2019}). In this moment, the dictatorship began to be written with a capital D (^{GERMANO, 2011}). What was left of the “conscience’s scruples” was “sent to hell”, as stated by Coronel Jarbas Passarinho. After the publication of this Act, the National Security State was complete. Unlike previous Acts, this did not have a time definition. Instead, it became permanent over all areas of civil Society. In this scenario, every person became a potential State enemy (GERMANO, 2011). The Acts gave the president full power, detached from social, juridical, and political control.

Given this context, choosing discussions that were aligned with the military government as theme of the journal covers exposes the associates, the conceptions which the entity embraced at that moment, the speeches that it supported and the choices that it made. Besides, the entity adopted a position of non-confrontation about class struggles, unlike the UPPE’s purposes at its foundation. There was a tacit agreement of a good coexistence with the dictatorial ideology.

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Issue nº 7 Síntese Informativa da UPPE / September 1970 

Issue n. 07 marked the commemoration of the entity’s silver jubilee. This cover has a different typography than the previous ones. The entity’s name appears more prominently, as does the front-page photo size. Bandeira (2018) points out that the image is a key element. In this way, photography can take the role of a visual narrative, that aims to tell a story. Image manipulation, using cuts, diversified framing, compositions with other images, in consonance with different ways related to the text, can change the sense of the message that is transmitted.

On the cover shown above, the common element in the photos is the figure of the teacher Anaíta Custódio Cardoso, UPPE’s director from 1966 to 1988. With a few breaks, she was twenty-two years leading UPPE. During the first two years of her administration, as the elections had this validity, Anaíta promoted the publications of Síntese Informativa da UPPE.

^{Braga (2017}) points out that in the analysis of the twenty-seven covers of the issues, it is verifiable that there is a photo of teacher Anaíta Cardoso on five covers. In nominal quotes this quantity goes to twenty headlines on the journal’s covers. In percentage terms, it means that in 18,5% of the covers there is a photo of UPPE’s president highlighted. Added to this, in 75% of the articles that goes with the news on the cover, there is a mention to the name of teacher Anaíta Cardoso. These data give clues about the centrality of the figure of the institution’s president.

Teacher Anaíta strengthened her relationship with the entity in 1940, when she became an associate in 1946. At that date, the entity had only one year of existence. In 1950, Anaíta joined the board of direction, as a direction’s first secretary, which at that time was held by teacher Icleya Gomes de Almeida. The teacher Icleya served her term from 1948 to 1966, replacing the first president, teacher Maria Francisca Pereira Marinho.

According to Teresinha Machado, current president of the institution, which replaced Anaíta in 1988, the former president had a leadership temper and controlled everything in the entity with a firm hand (^{BRAGA, 2017}). Ramos (2015) points out that nowadays there is an absence in the entity regarding Anaíta’s administration. The time in the entity’s direction did not leave a mark of the former director terms. The researcher believes that this absence may be related to Anaíta’s administration period, which was characterized by situations that brought problems to the entity and its president. In this period, there was an approach of groups opposed to the teacher inside UPPE, allies to a feistier militancy, which were representatives of the “New Trade Unionism”, led by Godofredo Pinto. This group began to make accusations of alleged irregularities in Anaíta’s financial management. After an investigation and with proof that linked Anaíta to the fraud with UPPE’s money, the group reported the case. In retaliation, the complainants were expelled of the association, but Anaíta did not take long to suffer with the spread of the fraud suspicions too. The director went through an internal investigation process that determined she could not even enter the institution. This prohibition was extended until it was concluded that nothing was wrong. However, even with this verification, she left the post in an assembly, for an interim board to take over. (RAMOS, 2015).

Anaíta Cardoso, as well as her predecessor directors, stayed in office for several years. According to ^{Braga (2017}), to remain in the post for twenty-seven years, it would be necessary a significant leadership ability. However, considering the context in which this administration happens, the leader profile was not enough to keep her for more than two decades in this position. The researcher points out sponsorships by important figures of the political world. Specially by the politician Amaral Peixoto and the journalist Alberto Torres, owner of Niterói’s newspaper O Fluminense. Alberto Torres’ closeness to the entity is verified by the identification of the journalist’s bust at UPPE’s entrance (^{BRAGA, 2017}).

Anaíta Cardoso’s centrality on the covers of UPPE’s newspaper exposes a model of woman, of teacher and of female authority endorsed by the entity: a woman with authoritarian and controlling behavior.

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Issue nº 24 Síntese Journal / May-August 1978 

From issue nº 12 ahead, the journal changed its name to Síntese. The typographical modifications on the newspaper’s cover happened from issue nº 24 on. Specifically in this issue, the name of the journal and the institution’s symbol appear in blue. This pattern was not adopted in subsequent issues, the color used continued to be black.

Aligned with advances in the press, UPPE’s journal aimed to make modifications, even though these changes did not remain in later editions. Gruszynsky et al (2016) highlight that the balance between the importance of shape and content was determinant at the fourth period in the graphic revolution. The final years of 1970 are marked by a concern regarding innovations in both printing form and production. Gradually, with technology advances, it is possible to see the emergence of the first software, which gave access to the desktop publishing process.

Crossed by this context, there was a competition between the graphic production modes. By the end of the twentieth century, some big press’ newspapers, such as Jornal do Brasil, began to use more colors, infographics, cover’s tables of contents, etc. Such changes take place in the same period that there is a fall in readers’ numbers. Facing this scenario, that was quickly changing and enforcing new ways of existing and communicating, the newspapers were pushed to make changes. It was a conjuncture that imposed itself, pointing to the need of new visual and editorial standards. There is a finding that not only the visual changes were necessary, but also the editorial modifications. The printed matter’s covers have a fundamental role in persuading the reader.

Within this tension field that arises in the newsrooms and at the editorial parks, demanding new skills of attractiveness, UPPE publishes on the cover n. 24 a piece about teacher Anaíta Cardoso’s birthday, but in reference to retired teachers. Given the centrality and the highlight, there is evidence that the movement to create interest in female readers was filled by addressing topics regarding institution’s female retirees, beneficiaries, specially, of welfare services.

^{Braga (2017}) observes that the welfare aspect was highly embraced by UPPE. Specially in relation to medical-hospital agreement, signed by the entity in 1973. Matos (1988) points that the growth and expansion of Unions during the Dictatorship period were tied to the idea of improvements of worker’s living conditions. Thus, by interventional or support means, which were named as voluntary, the government sought ways of adhesion in an attempt to create a Union policy that would not only repress the Unions, but also make these institutions act as subsidiary bodies close to the working class. Care services fulfilled this purpose.

In this way, class entities turned to investments in asset goods and in welfare sectors, demobilizing workers categories during negotiation periods with corporates and the government. This strategy has brought other results, as, for example, a significant increase in the number of Unions in some categories. Harming the categories’ struggle, embracing the welfare perspective meant a quantitative expansion of Unions.

From 1964 on, with the beginning of the military government, there was a power concentration on the hands of the executive authority, forging a distance between State and Civil Society, which in the Union movement scope meant an interventionist policy. This shift drafted a weakening of these entities’ activities, narrowing them to spaces focused on welfarism and recreational purposes (^{FARIA, 2011}).

Joining the Unions’ welfare aspects goes against the scenarios seen in Europe in the same period. ^{Xavier (2013}) points out that studies from early 1970 already shown that in Brazil, and in Latin America, workers were framed by the State, reducing its capacity of freedom, action, and mobilization. Unlike the so-called “developed” countries, in which Trade Unionism, after a period of conflicts, modified itself from a perspective towards radical class discussion to an approach more concerned with worker participation in strictly factory matters.

Initiatives as the creation of the UPPE’s journal, that became showcases to the Dictatorship ideology, have contributed to extinguishing any remaining traces of social movements that gained expressive dimensions in the years before the 1964 coup. Matters regarding workers and class organizations were the Dictatorship’s main concerns. ^{Fontes (2018}) highlights that before this period there was an unprecedent political space conquered by class entities leaderships, which caused discomfort to businessmen and employers’ leaderships, and powered the supposed idea of “Trade Union Republic” (p. 5).

Against this process, the journal’s creation allows the entity to give visibility to welfare services offered to associates and show alignment with the government. Such provisions made it possible for the newspaper not to suffer from any censorship regarding its published content.

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Issue no 26 Síntese Journal / January-June 1979 

The cover page n. 26 shows the last modification made to the journal’s typography, which is related to the letters’ size and the illustration accompanied by a photograph. ^{Mareco e Passeti (2010}) notes the importance of the statements as a highlight on the cover, these being indicators of the most relevant news. This distinction is related to the headlines that were graphically on a relevancy place or with ink loaded letters. This kind of composition is intended to draw the readers’ attention and convince them to dedicate time to reading, using the letters highlighted and the place chosen on the cover as bait. The typography’s analysis of the statements helps at the identification of the discourse positioning that the newspapers take up, considering it to be the reader’s gateway to the text. This type of analysis aims to frame what would be more relevant in the article (^{MARTINS, MOURA, 2016}).

Photographs also have a classification in the journals. ^{Lima (1989}) points out that there are three classifications in photographs’ presentation in journals: social photographs, sports photographs, and cultural photographs. Social photographs address topics such as politics, economics, and business. The role of this category is to draw attention to the photo before the article is read, and it should occupy the noble part of the journal. Regarding sports and cultural photos, the former has an aesthetic role, as it embodies the information already known by the reader. Cultural ones aim to illustrate an information.

The social photo of Casa do Professor [Teacher’s House] fulfills the purpose of being a reality record, drawing attention to a valuable place to the entity. According to ^{Braga (2017}) exhibiting Casa do Professor’s photos in the entity’s journal has a function of reinforcing the image of an institution that took care of teachers, building its welfare profile.

The Casa do Professor, inaugurated in October 1977, was intended to provide hosting to associates in transit through the city of Niterói, not having a permanent housing character. According to ^{Braga (2017}), the publishing of this project in the journal increased the number of associates who used the welfare services provided by UPPE. The newspaper was used as a showcase of welfare services offered by the entity, that in the mid-1970s had as its pillars the healthcare services and the Casa do Professor (^{BRAGA, 2017}).

Such outlines contributed to strengthen UPPE’s profile as a class entity distant of fluminense elementary school teachers’ struggles and claims. This project differs to the entity’s creation goals, in the 1940s, when there were complaints and demands for better wages and working conditions to the fluminense primary teachers. Unlike that, the kind of member service took up by the directors, especially in the final years of 1960 and 1970 decades, goes together with the shaping of a disciplined, cooperative, and averse to class struggle workers (^{FONTES, 2018}, p. 6), as proposed by the Dictatorship government criteria.

Final considerations

Looking at the typographical changes of UPPE’s journal covers, it is possible to point two aspects. First of all, that the newspaper was changing over the period it circulated, trying to spread the conceptions it defended. The dissemination resources of the entity’s banners, such as welfare services and the centrality of UPPE’s director, have been renewed through the years. To fulfill this goal, the journal invested in modernizing the use of lettering, in images resources, in types of presentation of the statements, etc. Since the first editions, the entity identified that the journal could be more efficient in the purpose of spreading the ideals embraced by UPPE, justifying the investments made in the journal’s innovation.

The second aspect regards the contributions that the journal brought to the primary teachers’ category from the agenda defended in the journal. The entity’s mark was the welfare nature, which translated into an absence in the wage struggles or in labor causes. Within the Fluminense primary magisterium, especially to Niterói’s elementary school teachers, it helped shaping the ideology of a disciplined and submissive female worker. And, in accordance with the Dictatorship’s doctrine, make the identification with class entities only as places that provide welfare and recreational services.