INTRODUCTION

The statement that “Brazil is the country of soccer” was spread by several places in the world. Although it has been contested, it is relevant in the cultural context of many Brazilians. This sport, by itself, is present in the daily life of the population in advertisements, media, social media, and leisure activities, among many other possibilities. No one is surprised when a child says he wants to be a soccer player when he grows up. Not when the noun is male because, of course, that child is a boy.

When a girl expresses the desire to be a soccer player, it can cause strangeness, and an experience filled with difficulties in fulfilling this desire is one of the possible situations and experiences that she may encounter. Reports of prejudice and the attribution of nicknames are not uncommon, nor the lack of acceptance, which can also originate within the family or even the lack of investment and incentive for these girls to remain in practice, as reported by the authors Carolina ^{Vieira (2020}), Ana Clara ^{Barboza (2020}), Nairelly ^{Verli (2020}) and Thais ^{Cavalcanti (2020}). Often, these obstacles become impediments to the continuity of these interests and objectives.

One of the authors of this article, as well as many girls and women in Brazil, identifies herself with these statements. Volume one of the collections “Futebol de Mulheres no Brasil” (Women's Soccer in Brazil), organized by the authors Mariana ^{Martins and Ileana Wenetz (2020}), brings a sequence of chapters with reports from players and coaches about their experiences in childhood and adolescence with soccer. In these speeches, as well as in the experience of one of these authors, two points are highlighted: the fact that they played with the boys and the experience of being, always or usually, the different person among them.

Silvana ^{Goellner, Paula Silva, and Paula Botelho-Gomes (2013}) point out that, as a world cultural phenomenon, the popularization of soccer can be attributed to its intense relationship with the media, as it constitutes the main theme of modern Western sports journalism, in specific in its professional expression of high performance and, above all, practiced by men. Culturally in Brazil, as stated by Marcelo ^{Rosa et al. (2020}), soccer is seen as a sport for men, and this discourse has been found since physical education classes in basic education.

^{Rose et al. (2020)}report that the international literature on women and gender relations in sports points out both advances and conflicts, old and new. In this sense, based on cultural pedagogies and considering that, as Paula ^{Andrade and Marisa Costa (2017}) point out, teaching and learning take place in various places of culture and not only at school, the soccer environment, in particular soccer women, it is a place of learning where pedagogies and curricula are inserted and active.

Therefore, it is important to show an understanding of Culture from Cultural Studies. Sandro ^{Bortolazzo (2020}) points out that Culture is no longer understood as values, norms, and customs linked to a tradition or territory exclusively related to erudition and literary or even artistic traditions, a ready and defined, immovable and inflexible space. Then it is understood as a place of fittings and unfitting, of struggles, being a more expanded concept, including and perceiving everyday rituals as significant. This understanding then includes a range of society's productions, also encompassing all forms of arts, beliefs, institutions, and practices of a society, including pedagogical ones.

Based on this understanding of Culture, we can understand that the perception of soccer as a place for men is built within these fittings and unfittings, regarding the meanings attributed to gender. Adriana ^{Piscitelli (2009}) states that issues of cultural learning change between historical moments, places, and social classes that are present in this process of the constitution of human beings. In this way, “[…] culture operates in a pedagogical way, in which identities are continually being transformed and shaped, where power is staged, desires mobilized and experiences take on forms and meanings” (^{BORTOLAZZO, 2020}, p. 323).

In this context of articles and chapters published on Cultural Studies in Education, the expression “cultural pedagogies” is introduced in Brazil, as ^{Andrade and Costa (2017}) point out, becoming a conceptual tool widely used in research in this new and controversial field, bringing conditions to analyze teaching and learning in different cultural processes.

For Bortolazzo, cultural pedagogy is, in addition to a theoretical justification, a formation of knowledge that promotes knowledge about subjects. The author also states that “Pedagogy, by gaining the plural, also pluralized the fields of action. Also, the proliferation of pedagogies has to do with the difficulty of education in realizing its purposes in a liquid, flexible, unstable world, in constant transformation [...]” (^{BORTOLAZZO, 2020}, p. 318).

In this formation of knowledge, the Cultural Curriculums are organized. According to Marisa ^{Costa, Maria Wortmann, and Iara Bonin (2016}), these Curricula begin to contest the proposal of a curriculum that structures and standardizes elements of a universal culture, called “greater”, and extends to the productions of society that, traditionally, were excluded and silenced in traditional curricula. Corroborating this idea, Marlécio ^{Maknamara (2020}, p. 60-61) states that

Considering that there is a whole non-school machinery attributing meanings to places, things, phenomena, practices, and subjects, it has been recognized that different cultural artifacts constitute a curriculum, a cultural curriculum that has been problematized by different research in education in a general way and by curriculum research.

Ana Carolina Zdradek and Dinah Beck (2017) point out that a cultural artifact can be understood as an operator of the production of cultural identities. ^{Costa, Wortmann, and Bonin (2016}, p. 521) understand cultural texts as artifacts “productive and constitutive of how we are, live, understand and explain the world”. Viviane ^{Camozzato (2018}) explains that the expression “cultural artifact” refers to the construction process of the cultural meanings of different objects where meanings that identify and make these objects be recognized are linked.

We say that in cultural studies, cultural artifacts are those where the researcher's eyes are directed, seeking, in the production of culture, to analyze evidence and conditions to understand their intelligibility, carrying out investigations less concerned with the answers of how things are and more concerned with describing and problematizing the processes that produce meanings and knowledge (ZDRADEK; BECK, 2017).

^{Maknamara (2020}) also points out that, through cultural artifacts, new skills, capabilities, models of society, and affectivity are learned. This learning, originating from a certain artifact, is related to the present cultural curricula and the meanings produced by them. We can then understand that, from an artifact and the curricula, knowledge is shared from the pedagogies.

Thus, these meanings produced and transmitted between groups and subjects are present in diverse cultural contexts with their artifacts and curricula. The exhibition of a soccer game is one of those places where interactions between these pedagogies take place. This environment is not only a place where images and events are disseminated but also a space where something is taught and learned according to the curricula.

When it comes to Women's Soccer, this teaching-learning environment is covered by several questions that are part of curricula acting in the formation of the knowledge that is transmitted there, characterizing a Pedagogy of Transmission of Women's Soccer, in which different identities, knowledge, meanings, and powers establish relationships, through the speeches that are exposed and that are also part of this pedagogy.

About Women's Soccer, Cláudia ^{Kessler (2020}) reports that this terminology, different from “female soccer” (futebol feminino) used by the Brazilian media and official bodies, has been appearing as a reflexive intervention due to the understanding that soccer practiced by women should not be used as adjectives or notions of femininity highlighted by common sense that stigmatize women, demanding attributes such as sensuality, fragility, and delicacy from them.

^{Kessler (2020}) also brings the concept of “soccers” to represent the multiplicity of characteristics that this sport assumes and the different facets in different environments. As examples, we can list “street soccer”, “lowland soccer”, and “farm soccer”, among many other types of soccer played in different contexts. Women's Soccer is the one “[…] practiced, re-read, and reinvented by them. The rules are the same, the practice is also carried out with the feet, although the meaning and structure of media coverage and financial returns are different” (^{KESSLER, 2020}, p. 49).

This soccer includes women and the whole range of performances they assume in everyday life, regardless of what is attributed to them at birth and how they are socially perceived by not associating the practice with conceptions of femininity or masculinity. The term characterizes soccer, as being practiced as a form of leisure, education, or profession.

Based on these theoretical contexts, this paper aimed to identify the curricula that permeate the Transmission Pedagogy present in the context of Women's Soccer from the exhibitions of the matches of the first phase of the Brazilian Women's Championship A1, carried out by the channel "Desimpedidos" by the platform YouTube, which is observed. Therefore, we present below the methodological aspects that organized the paper, the topics “Women's Soccer, but men…”, “You don't even know what an offside is!” and “Valuing their soccer.” (“Futebol de Mulheres, mas os homens…”, “Nem sabe o que é impedimento!” and “Valorização do futebol delas.”), where we analyze the speeches referring to the three curricula observed, and, finally, our Final Considerations.

METHODOLOGICAL ASPECTS

This study is characterized, according to Eva ^{Marconi and Marina Lakatos (2003}), as exploratory field research. It consisted of the empirical observation of facts and spontaneous phenomena, obtaining descriptions of the object of study that occurred in the place of investigation with the record that is presumed relevant to the analysis. This study also adopts a qualitative approach that Maria ^{Minayo and Odécio Sanches (1993}) characterize as an approximation between subject and object focused on the actors in which meanings are obtained.

Starting from Cultural Pedagogies, we used a channel on the YouTube platform, created in 2013, with videos and live broadcasts about soccer are their main theme, with greater emphasis on men's soccer. From them, we performed the clipping to be analyzed as the context of the transmissions of soccer games of the Brazilian Women's Championship A1, carried out during the first phase of the championship. Regarding this clipping, we point out that, in general, the transmission of a soccer game, commonly, requires a team composed of cameramen, a narrator, and commentators, the very image of the match and the interactions that occur in the moments before, during and after the games. Specifically, as it was broadcast on YouTube, the study also included audience interaction through the platform's chat.

The observations were made based on the access to the transmissions of the games of the first phase of the 2021 season of the Brazilian Women's Football Championship A1, consisting of 15 rounds starting on April 17, 2021, and ending on June 24, 2021. We observed five games, chosen for convenience according to the availability of the authors, comprising rounds 1, 5, 9, 13, and 15. Each complete video has around three hours, which includes the pre-game with reports and information about the match, the first half, the break with advertisements and other disclosures, the second half, and the post-game with analysis of the match and comments on different subjects.

During the observations, the following topics of interest were listed to assist in the description of the speeches: power relations, gender relations, ethnic-racial relations, players' skills, sexuality, and positions in women's soccer within the speeches of the commentators, the narrator, the reporters, the players, the coaches, the public, the intervals, and other speeches that could appear during the transmissions.

The observed events, for their identification criteria, were called Transcripts and numbered in sequence from the Arabic numeral 1 (one) and located as belonging to each of the games. To point out which of the transmissions each event belongs to, they were designated from the term “Games” and numbered in Roman numerals, from I to V in chronological order, from the first to the last transmission observed; thus, the game of round 1 was identified as “Game I”, round 5 as “Game II” and the rounds 9, 13 and 15 as “Game III”, “Game IV” and “Game V”, respectively.

Based on the interpretation and theoretical construction carried out by the authors, the speeches described were close to those of the theorists used in this study. We base the reflections on gender relations on the understanding that the ways of being men and women go beyond the genitals that classify their bodies, from what ^{Piscitelli (2009}) exposed, when pointing out that these ways include cultural issues influenced by the historical moment, as well as by places and social classes present in this process of constitution of human beings. We also consider the conceptions about cultural pedagogies and analyzes carried out by authors about Women's Soccer.

Power relations based on Michel ^{Foucault (1988}) were also used as a basis, considering that power does not have a central existence, is not related to a simple relationship of subjection or dominance, but is understood as a correlation of forces in an environment in which they interact in a localized and unstable way in which based on them, the existence of chains or systems that form institutionalized power is possible but power is present in every situation coming from all places.

We noticed that the speeches, organized from the topics of interest, showed the presence of three distinct curricula within the Pedagogy of Transmission of Women´s Soccer. One of them was the approximation and comparison of their soccer with men's soccer, another by expressions of unworthiness of the practice performed by them, and the third characterized by the appreciation of Women's Soccer as a whole. Thus, the analyzes were divided into subtopics that address each of the curricula, relating the theoretical concepts with what was presented in the investigated field.

WOMEN'S SOCCER, BUT THE MEN...

Chat I.³: I thought it was male soccer but it's female, but it's good, let's see it here (Transcript 16, Game III).

When contextualizing the practice of soccer by women, Rose et al. (2020) noticed the existence of elements that relate to society's understanding of sport as a male place. José Ricardo ^{Ferreira et al. (2021}) points out that the social view is prejudiced and sexist when considering that soccer should not be played by women, being understood as a male place whose practice is directed at men since the idea of masculinity is built in a reduced way to the man, an association present in the speeches of the audience⁴ that accompanied the transmissions.

Chat M.M.: men's soccer has tradition and 5 world cups and it's very difficult, but in women's soccer we see that everyone suffers a 10-0 defeat... very weak! (Transcript 19, Game V).

Woman D.R.: If the men had the same race and will as the girls today, they wouldn't be playing to decrease in the category (Transcript 20, Game V).

Comments making some kind of association between women's and men's soccer were recurrent in the observations. Silvana ^{Goellner and Cláudia Kessler (2018}) point out that soccer is, in a way, created and maintained under the domain of men, even though it can constitute a place of sociability for women. Therefore, discourses that refer to some kind of comparison, regardless of content or intention, are problematic, as they support the transmission of this curriculum based on the idea of soccer as a space that does not belong to women. Comparisons do not only occur when the two soccers are confronted, but also with the behavior of male and female players.

T. S. Men: Is it like they want to copy the mannerisms of men's soccer? (Transcript 16, Game II).

This classification of observed behaviors carried out by the author of the comment is related to how gestures and other actions are attributed to a given gender identity and are learned within social contexts and under the influence of culture. Marcel ^{Mauss (2008}) understands this as body techniques, the way in which each society uses its body in a traditional way, so that from the action of culture “everything in us is imposed [...] a set of attitudes allowed or not, natural or not” (^{MAUSS, 2008}, p. 408), which are expressed in everyday acts with assigned values, depending on the context.

^{Goellner, Silva, and Botelho-Gomes (2013}) also relate the social environment as responsible for attributing behaviors to a certain gender identity to the detriment of another. They also claim that representations of femininity and masculinity are not neutral and universal but constructed in everyday life considering the cultural representations associated with and produced by the learning processes present in the speeches.

Regarding these behaviors, ^{Foucault (1984}) treats them as conduct and discusses how these rules are organized according to the culture in which they are inserted. For Foucault (1984), in the contexts he analyzed, there would be a moral thought, written and taught from operating texts through which individuals question the adequacy of their conduct in morality, understood by a set of values and rules proposed to individuals and groups through prescriptive devices that could be explicit but also diffusely transmitted in a complex set of elements.

In this way, as exposed by ^{Foucault (1984}), a Pedagogy of Conduct is structured in which subjects exercise powers based on imposed rules but also impose on themselves norms of conduct by which they must act as prescribed by the constituent elements of the code. This pedagogy is present in the control of the behaviors that the “I” and the “other” demonstrate and present socially, as well as how they relate to each other.

The social contexts in which these impositions occur can be diverse, and they are exercised in different ways. Game transmissions and the interactions that occur between subjects and groups from them are configured as one of these contexts, in which powers that moderate conduct and behavior are exercised. Specifically, the discourses that compare soccer inserted in the Women's Soccer Transmission Pedagogy act to control these behaviors.

This curriculum of comparisons, even bringing elements that recognize or praise the characteristics of the players or Women's Soccer in general, does not effectively add to the struggles that they routinely face in search of visibility and appreciation, as they do not disassociate soccer from the figure of men, sustaining that this theme is always brought up with their presence. Comparing these two soccers is a way of perpetuating the interpretation of soccer as something under their control, not recognizing the resignifications provoked by them nor disconnecting the figure of men from the experiences of these women.

YOU DON'T EVEN KNOW WHAT AN OFFSIDE IS!

G.G. Man: These women don't know how to play, they don't even know what offside is (Transcript 29, Game 5).

According to the Brazilian Football Confederation (2021)⁵, the punishment given to offside occurs when the player in an offside position actively participates in the play or when a teammate touches the ball, being the offside position when, in a simplified way, the player is in the opponent's field closer to the goal than the last defender and in front of the ball line. Ignorance of this specific rule is often used to discredit women who, in some way, seek to enter spaces related to soccer. Although it is strange to imagine that a professional athlete is unaware of the rules of the modality she practices, the use of this argument directed at the women players shows how this aspect of the curriculum composes the Pedagogy of Transmission based on disrespect, going against what women do in sport.

Within cultural and social constructions - especially those linked to gender, as previously presented - there are power relations that are structured in multiple correlations of acting forces. ^{Foucault (1988}) calls them local confrontations and states that their intensity determines the support of great dominations, which are hegemonic effects of a general line of force that proceed “redistributions, alignments, homogenizations, series arrangements” that converge to these confrontations (^{FOUCAULT, 1988}, p. 90). This is because, according to the author, power is exercised with certain objectives, even though it is not possible to determine who is responsible for organizing the tactics used to achieve them.

When observing the artifact, specifically in the speeches of the audience that followed the matches, it is possible to perceive the existence of this explicit curriculum of disrepute, inferiority, and devaluation of the sport as a whole and the women present there. ^{Maknamara (2020}) points out that curricula incorporate and produce meanings, values, knowledge, and truths, and are linked to subjectivization processes. What is taught and learned from a curriculum and cultural artifact is related to how these processes are organized individually and collectively based on existing power relations. This curriculum observed among the audience is shown in comments that highlight the view of women not belonging to the space of soccer.

R. N. Man: The woman's place is in the kitchen (Transcript 14, Game 2).

R.G. Man: Where are the dishes? (Transcript 33, Game V).

^{Piscitelli (2009}) and Eurídice ^{Figueiredo (2018}) point out that sex and gender are socially constructed based on culture, through a relationship of coherence between the collective discourse and what it constructs. Piscitelli (2009) relates that what is expected to be shown through this coherence is aligned with a hegemonic thought about how sex and gender are presented. Thus, what is shown and what is socially perceived can be understood as performance.

In the coherence of hegemonic thought and collective discourse, the space of football is seen as belonging to individuals who perform a gender identity that is not consistent with women, and what is observed in the way in which this aspect of the curriculum appears in the comments, marking a misalignment. This disorder is presented with what is socially expected of them. The audience comments are, then, an exercise of power to regulate these identities and performances that are not restricted to the disqualification of what is being presented in the transmissions. It also includes comments that shift the figures of women present to a place that intensifies points that are aligned with the hegemonic logic of gender.

A striking point is organized around sexuality, more specifically the behaviors that permeate the experience of the subjects who manifest themselves - in particular, from the audience that followed the games. ^{Foucault (1984}) treats sexuality as how Western societies constituted an experience for individuals to be recognized as subjects of a “sexuality”, opening diverse fields articulated in a system of rules and coercions, but also involving how it gives meaning and value to behaviors, duties, pleasures, feelings, sensations, and dreams. The comments that emerged on this point bring this subject's relationship with what he desires; in this case, women.

R.S. Man: That transmission with two beautiful girls (Transcript 22, Game 3).

^{Goellner (2020}, p. 26) points out that this eroticization of women's bodies is related to the objectification of their bodies and an appreciation of attributes of femininity that distance them from “masculinized behaviors and appearances”. This is a contradiction by expecting that those who practice should reinforce femininity while considering that they cannot practice soccer, as they would be masculinized, not considering the multiplicity of representations within these two poles.

This eroticization is exacerbated when it is directed to the black woman's body and carries meanings constructed from a colonial look that promotes a movement, as said by Margareth ^{Rago (2008}), as a search for the attempt to revive the myth of the wild, of the exoticism and a possible reunion of a paradisiacal origin. From this point of view, as stated by the author, “[…] it is mainly women who sin through sexual excess, especially Indian women, black women, and prostitutes” (^{RAGO, 2008}, p. 2).

F. Man: the narration does not give the lineup, so it follows: [PLAYER N.] (3m tall), [PLAYER K.] (beautiful to die for), [PLAYER P.] (wall), [PLAYER C.] (does not pass the ball), [PLAYER Y.] (color of sin) (Transcript 41, Game 5).

Edith ^{Piza (1995}) addresses the constructions of metaphor and stereotype that weigh on black women in Brazilian society. They are seen as a body that expresses the sin that has historically evolved, in which their physical and hierarchical differences with white women fed an imaginary that the black woman slave, from a super excitement originating in her body, would exercise the seduction of the white man; imaginary that, in part, constitutes the stereotype of the black, sensual, seductive and irresistible woman being “[...] attraction to (male) sin” (^{PIZA, 1995}, p. 58).

Mariza ^{Corrêa (1996}), starting from movements for the construction of subjects that were organized in different discourses, explains how the mulatto woman's body is constituted as an object of desire, becoming a national symbol, building a figure that can be said to be mythical, in that she is pure body/sex. Specifically, in the last section of Transcript 41, one can see how the player's eroticization characterizes this social imagination about the black woman, who is observed/considered/evaluated by her body and only by it.

Regardless of how the powers to regulate conduct in Women's Soccer are exercised, considering these relationships with a greater focus on gender, the intention of the comments included in this curriculum of demeaning, devaluation, and disqualification reinforces the understanding of soccer as a place of not belonging to the woman, at the same time directing the performances present there to the hegemonic thought socially and culturally attributed as belonging to the woman of being responsible for motherhood and care for the family or objects of desires that must demonstrate consistent actions and behaviors and that do not are the same as for men. However, the Transmission Pedagogy also reinforces the path taken by women involved with soccer.

Commentator M.P.: To point out that, when women could play soccer, the men's team was already three world champions. So, when we demand women's soccer, there are still reflections of this ban (Transcript 20; Game 1).

C. V. Woman: But of course, the male will be ahead, how many years have men been playing? And the women? how much investment is given in each? How much incentive do you have in each? How much prejudice do they suffer? Think! (Transcript 38; Game 5).

These speeches recognize the existing limitations within Women's Soccer, transmitting an awareness of the reasons why the difficulties are built, which enhances the achievements. The most directly exposed factor, also recurrent in the literature, is the historical importance of the official ban on the practice of soccer and other sports by women, which was in force between 1941 and 1979, a fact cited by Luiza ^{Anjos et al. (2018}), ^{Goellner and Kessler (2018}) and Goellner (2005).

VALUING THEIR SOCCER.

T. C. Woman: Watching a game with more than one camera and with image quality is something else. It's product appreciation. Great broadcast from [CHANNEL] (Transcript 20, Game 2).

From the perspective of cultural studies, the media can be understood as promoting differences in the way athletes, competitions, clubs, and sporting events are displayed to the audience. As stated by ^{Goellner, Silva, and Botelho-Gomes (2013}), these differentiations end up determining “who” and “how” they are perceived in these narratives of a sports agenda that is gendered and crossed by power relations that affect the way women's soccer is perceived. Therefore, there are few possibilities for visibility and exhibition of modalities practiced by women, a fact reinforced by the presence of the audience and by the dialogue between the narrator and the commentators.

Narrator C.: It's just that you don't see it, that we don't have a camera. But I look at [Commentator A. X.] he's laughing, he's emotional. [Commentator A. X.] He cries and laughs (Transcript 5, Game 1).

Commentator A. X.: We have more than 15 thousand people (Transcript 6, Game 1).

Commentator M. P.: And we will have the real idea later on. In a few years, we'll say wow, how cool, we were there, and we opened doors that this is certainly a very historic moment, it's a very important day (Transcript 8, Game 1).

The simple existence of the transmission carried out with a complete and quality team put it as part of the appreciation curriculum perceived during the observations as it promotes visibility for these women, guaranteeing the protagonism of those involved in both the sport and the responsible media. ^{Goellner and Kessler (2018}) point out that recording this protagonism is a political issue and a form of visibility and agency.

We understand agency, based on Butler's readings by Neiva ^{Furlin (2013}), as the subject's ability to act within power relations that can generate forms of resignification, and this subject is formed from subjectivization processes and becomes a ritual production of norms that do not determine it but make it performative. The author also relates agency as a performance of resistance with political meaning that occurs through acts of resistance to codes of conduct and social norms. In addition to the protagonism of the players, there is also the one from commentators.

Commentator M. P.: But [CLUB C.] gives space precisely for [PLAYER P. B.] to cross. That was the only move [CLUBE G.] had because infiltrating the area was difficult. And then [PLAYER R. L.], already noticing all the movement and this cross coming, because it's a rehearsed move, she goes ahead, passes in front of [PLAYER K.] who doesn't notice and then scores that first goal for [CLUBE G.] (Transcript 8, Game 3).

As exposed by Leonardo ^{Pacheco and Silvio da Silva (2020}), sports journalism as well as soccer is also a space seen as directed at men, and women who fight for a professional position in this field of action and encounter inequalities and constraints in the same way as athletes. The visibility and protagonism of the two commentators during the transmissions also constitute an agency, as both are there assuming a position that is still perceived as belonging to men; moreover, carrying out the analysis by both reinforces the performance of the Transmission Pedagogy, by highlighting their ability and knowledge about everything that involves women's soccer, from the technique and tactics of the plays to the athletes, techniques, coaches, and clubs - even if the central position, of the narrator, is occupied by a man.

Also, regarding the protagonism displayed by the transmissions, we have a soccer project aimed at girls, announced as a supported initiative and whose means of participation were disclosed to the audience.

Narrator C.: The match has a very important partner, the [PROJECT M.C.], a project that takes care of girls from 9 to 17 years old so that they have a safe and free environment so that they can practice their soccer (Transcript 8, Game 2).

During the exhibition of the games, in addition to explaining how the project worked, the means of financially supporting the initiative were shown. ^{Goellner (2005}) pointed out a precarious structure of the modality in Brazil, with few championships and almost non-existent public and private policies to encourage the practice of soccer by girls and women. Supporting the project is, therefore, one more way of guaranteeing the protagonism of initiatives that work to improve the modality in favor of girls and women who practice the sport, but, in addition to that, it is also necessary the existence of other types of supporters, such as the brand sponsoring the transmissions.

Narrator C.: Today the transmission of the Brazilian Championship Series A1 2021 here on [CHANNEL] is in partnership with [BRAND]. And [BRAND] shows the importance of having a brand supporting women's soccer. As you know, [BRAND] fights for the development of sports in our country, and this action, along with women's soccer, is extremely important. Many thanks to [BRAND], who have been with us since the beginning. It's with us today and we expect it to stay with us for a long, long time (Transcript 9, Game 5).

The importance of sponsorships is recognized when it comes to sports, both for events and championships and for athletes and teams. Mariana ^{Martins and Gabriela Delarmelina (2020}) mention that there are nine pillars for the development of sports and among them, there are sports initiation and participation, talent identification and development systems, an integrated approach to policy development, and financial support. The existence of a brand sponsoring the visibility of the biggest Brazilian competition in women's soccer demonstrates the changes achieved by resistance and agencies around the modality.

As for the sponsoring brand of the transmission, its presence can be analyzed as a result of reframing processes provoked by agencies and previous resistance, which made the most important brands in the market direct their eyes to women's soccer as a possibility of investment. However, it is necessary to carefully analyze the power relations that involve the interest of the brand in particular. The brand positioning, with the slogan “[BRAND] AND [CHANNEL] TOGETHER! SUPPORTING WOMEN'S SOCCER”, which appears more than once in the transmission, can be interpreted as contradictory, since, within the power disputes involving gender relations, the brand owner is in favor of the Bolsonarist government, which assumes a traditionalist stance of maintaining power relations, resisting resignifications.

Daniel ^{Reis (2020}) points out how the context of changes, caused by the historical process of a technological revolution that operates in different areas, as well as the consequences of economic crises, enabled the emergence, in several countries, of a process of nationalist reaction or nationalism from the right, being an extreme right with great public activism that exploits insufficiencies and shortcomings of democratic regimes.

According to ^{Reis (2020}), in this movement, one can find nationalist tendencies, archaic traditional right-wingers, nostalgic for fascism/Nazism, authoritarian state corporatists, religious fundamentalists, representatives of institutions, and right-wing liberals having, among their central aspects, an extreme nationalism in its proposals, an essentially anti-democratic bias and religious and social conservatism. Then, Bolsonarism can be understood as “the Brazilian expression of an international reaction movement to the mutations promoted by the great digital or information revolution” (^{REIS, 2020}, p. 8).

This trend observed among politicians and supporters is part of the construction of hate speech, which Felipe ^{Carvalho and Fernando Pocahy (2020}, p. 51) attribute to the fact that gender and sexuality norms have heterosexuality as the hegemonic model to be followed, with norms that perpetuate privileges for these groups composed of “white, heterosexual and Christian men who feel authorized to restrict other populations (LGBTQI+, women, blacks, poor, Indians, Northeasterners) from accessing every day (micro)citizenships”. The behavior of these groups is exemplified in the attacks made on women journalists⁶ who question or point out uncomfortable situations and political movements carried out to avoid the approval of measures that are not consistent with the interests of these groups⁷.

The support of businessmen for Jair Bolsonaro, both as a candidate and as president-elect, has had consequences for the brands they represent, with boycotts and threats by them⁸ of recurrent situations among consumers. These initiatives, often generated by movements that occur on social networks, can be understood as acts of resistance within the power relations that involve the trade of services and products. ^{Foucault (1988}) explains that resistances are present at multiple points within power correlations, often in a mobile and transitory way, something characteristic of those individual and collective movements that provoke or threaten boycotts.

These positions, one due to the commercial image of the brand and the other due to the figure of the founder, appear to be contradictory in the power relations operating in marketing, which is in constant search by consumers for the products they offer. However, women's soccer is not just a marketing product; it is permeated by resistance and searches for resignifications in power and gender relations, which conflicts with what defends the traditionalist logic represented by Bolsonarism, in which the public environment does not belong to women.

Also, in the speeches that make up the appreciation as an aspect of the curriculum, acts of resistance and agency in search of changes and improvements/development in women's soccer were also observed in the speeches of the audience, which demonstrates discontent and points out the disrespect for the athletes, coaches who expose their realities and commentators who report what women are dealing with in the field.

Coach L.: Actually, that's what [COACH M.] said, right? Our recovery time is short. We left Bahia on Thursday; we couldn't train on Thursday. We are trying to keep the same team that is starting to have a little more connection, you know. And in a big tournament, with little space to train, you have to keep what's working. So, we will try to keep our game of putting pressure on the opponent, not letting the opponent play (Transcript 22, Game 2).

Commentator A. X.: I like to point out, [NARRATOR C.], [CLUB A.] last year was runner-up. ‘Ah, wow, what happened?’ He lost its entire midfield, its entire creative area. This happens a lot in women's soccer, right? Teams break up practically whole because we don't have long contracts, we have short contracts in women's soccer (Transcript 6, Game 5).

Within these speeches, one can see the agency of several subjects who use the space they have to raise important questions within the dynamics of power games that involve the women's soccer scenario, contesting these relationships. This appears in the speeches of one of the commentators who explains to the audience the complex relationship of the players with their clubs, in the statements of coaches when exposing the difficulties faced in adapting to the competition schedules, and in the audience’s complaints about the lack of structure the field where the athletes play. These problematizations originate from institutional decisions that end up, in some way and with more or less intensity, affecting the players. But this agency also permeates the appreciation of aspects related to the players.

Chat K. S.: individual play by [PLAYER M.] and a big goal by [PLAYER C.], it's great to see this game with a beautiful broadcast on [CHANNEL] (Transcript 18, Game 1).

Chat P. B.: the wall of China x WALL OF [CLUB A.] (and our Women's National Team, thankfully) - commentary accompanied by images of the wall of China and the club's goalkeeper (Transcript 28, Game 5).

Highlighting the skills demonstrated by them on the field reinforces their protagonism and the curriculum of valuing women's soccer and the players who have their efforts in training and preparation recognized through praise for their skills on the field.

Emphasizing resistance and agencies, we highlight one of the reframing processes that took place in 2021 regarding the issue of uniforms at some clubs, which was directly contested by commentators A. X. and M. P. and by Reporter B. In one of the transmissions closest to the start of the championship, the first two carry out a dialogue about the absence of the name of the players on the shirts of one of the clubs, which was replaced by the word “Marinha”, representing the partnership between the club and the military institution for the maintenance of the modality.

In this dialogue, both are against the decision of that club and point out that others also do not identify the uniforms with the names of the players and appeal to the sports material companies to send more uniforms so that the absence of sufficient shirts for the entire squad is not argued during competitions. In other transmissions, one of the reporters also points out the problem and the importance of having names on uniforms.

Commentator A. X.: Are you watching the game and thinking that everyone is calling Marinha, or are you reading and saying 'Wow, how much Marina'. No, you see. It's just because [CLUBE F.] has a partnership with the Navy and then they decided to write Marinha on the T-shirt instead of writing the girls' names. I do not agree (Transcript 4, Game 3).

Commentator M.P.: That goes for both teams. The two teams there, let's put the names of the players on the shirts, to facilitate, to empower, to give voice to women's soccer. This is very important and we want this to happen this season. Let's go. There's a break for the Olympics, you can rethink it, right [Commentator A. X.] (Transcript 5, Game 3).

Reporter B.: The Brabas have a name, saying that in women's football is very important because there are still clubs that don't care about the names of the players on the shirt. This happens because at CBF they don't oblige clubs to put their name and fixed number, this helps them gain visibility. (Transcript 1, Game 4).

^{Furlin (2013}, p. 399), based on his readings of Judith Butler, associate’s agency with desire and states that its power “is configured, fundamentally, as political resistance”. This desire can be understood as the motivation behind acts of resistance; in the case of uniforms, it comes from understanding how important it is to identify the players on the field. The absence of fixed numbering and names on the shirts does not just cause inconvenience for those who follow the matches since it can lead to identification mistakes between the presented lineup and the one used.

Recognizing a player by her name and number is also a way of guaranteeing her protagonism and visibility. This agency provoked by transmission subjects in the first games was part of larger movements involving the fans, which gave rise to resignifications that could only be perceived when observing the last game of the season. A reframing that appropriated the narrator's characteristic phrase to describe the scorers during the games.

Narrator C.: Braba has a name! [PLAYER M. P.] shirt number 10, in the well-taken free kick, on the left leg, in the surrounding kicking, with no chance for the goalkeeper [PLAYER L.] (Transcript 6, Game 2).

Reporter B.: [the CROWD] launched #elastemnome (the girls have a name) in May with a request for the names on the players' shirts that differ from men's and women's (Transcript 7, Game 4).

Reporter B.: Now, if there was a notable achievement in the Brasileirão this year, it was certainly the fixed numbering with the names of the players on the clubs' shirts. It took a lot of pressure from the fans, a campaign with a hashtag on Twitter, and a special article here on [CHANNEL]. Your goal shout is not just support [NARRATOR C.]. I'm about to tell you that it's a prophecy. There was also the creation of A3, which will start next year, the exclusive sponsorship of the Brazilian women's team, and the breaking of goalscoring records by [PLAYER G. N.] (Transcript 15, Game 5).

The cry uttered by the narrator, “braba has a name”, reinforces the agency of fans, athletes, and professionals who deal with the modality by attitude of some clubs, by providing the presence of their names on the shirts, something simple and essential to guarantee the role of these women. Identifying them on their game uniforms, and not just by the list of lineup numbers for each match, allows these players to be seen, and the result of this agency exercised by various aspects was the provision of uniforms duly numbered and identified by the clubs. Within the pedagogy of broadcasting and this curriculum of valuing women's soccer, naming the “brabas” (braves) reinforces the political relationship of these women's protagonism in their professional activities in the sport.

FINAL CONSIDERATIONS

It is important to pay attention to the cultural context in which the artifact observed here is inserted, with emphasis on the possibilities of interaction between the elements that are part of the game exhibition and the subjects, practices, and cultural understandings that they bring. The conceptions of gender and meanings attributed to femininity and masculinity influence established power relations, and these cultural constructions cross football as a practice, participating in the way in which the Pedagogy of Transmission of Women's Soccer is constituted.

The pedagogy observed in the artifact is presented in this teaching-learning context through how one teaches and learns in this non-school environment. It was composed through curriculum aspects constructed from practices and discourses of the subjects present in this context and participates in the way in which meanings are constructed, transformed, and transmitted. Thus, based on what the artifact presented; it was possible to characterize three aspects of the curriculum inserted in this context of the Pedagogy of Transmission of Women's Soccer.

The devaluation was distinguished by being directly related to the conception that soccer is constituted as a sport whose practice should be directed only to men. This happens from a unique understanding of masculinity and is anchored to a social and cultural construction of gender, aiming to belittle, devalue and discourage the practice of this sport by women. In this curriculum, the intentions are directed to the figures of the women exposed in the exhibition of the games and transmit/reinforce the conception of gender that understands the woman as responsible for the private space and that they should not present the same actions and behaviors as the men.

The aspect of comparison also carries some meanings about gender that originate from these conceptions, although it is not based on attempts to regulate the actions, and behaviors of these women as in the previous curriculum. It is influenced by the culturally and socially constructed conception that soccer is a sport for men. In it, the presence of the woman is not directly contested or reprimanded: their figure is present, but always connected to the figure of the man or even placed in the background.

The third aspect of the curriculum was constituted by valuing both the practice and the women involved in it, based on power relations that constructed meanings and conceptions about gender in general and soccer in particular, and which are part of the curricula previously cited. Here, practices, discourses, and figures are organized to reframe these understandings and are presented through actions that promote protagonism and visibility for women involved with their soccer, as well as their actions of resistance and agency.

Considering cultural pedagogies as intrinsically related to the contexts in which they are inserted, these three aspects of the curriculum make up the Pedagogy of Transmission of Women's Soccer, and their interpretations are related to the artifact that was observed. However, as ^{Maknamara (2020}) pointed out, the cultural curriculum inserted in cultural pedagogies is constituted from different cultural artifacts. Thus, the perspective from which the analysis was carried out was directed to the teaching-learning context of one of the possible cultural artifacts where the Transmission Pedagogy is inserted.

Women's Soccer is still in a moment of transformation in which agencies and resistance stand out in the search for new meanings. The pedagogy of Transmission of Women’s Soccer, observed in this work, reflects this moment in which curricula interact in power relations disputing what meanings are and will be culturally taught and learned, through the practices and expressed discourses.

The initiative of the channel can be interpreted as part of a movement aimed at assigning protagonism to women and the possibilities of resignification that are taking place in the cultural context regarding gender relations in society as a whole and in soccer. Pedagogies and curricula that contest changes will not cease to be present, but, from the confrontation with them, other cultural elements will be culturally incorporated, changing the curricula in the Pedagogy of Transmission of Women's Soccer.