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versión impresa ISSN 0104-4060versión On-line ISSN 1984-0411

Educ. Rev. vol.36  Curitiba  2020  Epub 11-Feb-2020

https://doi.org/10.1590/0104-4060.69766 

DOSSIER

Planning and educational management in Brazil: government hegemony and local autonomy building1

Marília Fonseca* 
http://orcid.org/0000-0002-3972-1556

Eliza Bartolozzi Ferreira** 
http://orcid.org/0000-0002-4100-9875

Elisangela Alves da Silva Scaff*** 
http://orcid.org/0000-0002-7682-0879

*Universidade de Brasília. Brasília, Distrito Federal, Brasil. E-mail: mariliasfonseca@gmail.com.

**Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo. Vitória, Espírito Santo, Brasil. E-mail: eliza.bartolozzi@gmail.com.

***Universidade Federal do Paraná. Curitiba, Paraná, Brasil. Email: elisscaff@gmail.com.


ABSTRACT

The text analyzes the Brazilian educational policy from the last decades of the 20th century and early 21st century. It examines how the management and educational planning were set up in the different governments which took place during over the period from 1964 to 1985, corresponding to the military regime guided by the economic growth and national security ideology. It considers the democratic phase succeeded as a period of changes towards the country's integration into the economic globalization process, which has affected school planning and management, notably in the context of the 1995 State Reform. The text also analyses the period 2003-2014, when a new type of school planning was instituted in 2007 by the Articulated Actions Plan (AAR). The Plan main objective is to establish a culture of planning in the municipal education and elementary schools as an instrument to consolidate the local autonomy.

Keywords: Educational planning; Educational management; Local autonomy

RESUMO

O texto analisa a política educacional brasileira a partir das últimas décadas do Século XX e início do Século XXI. Examina como a gestão e o planejamento educacional foram configurados nos diferentes governos que se sucederam ao longo do período de 1964 a 1985, que corresponde ao regime militar, orientado pela ideologia do crescimento econômico e da segurança nacional. Considera a fase democrática que o sucedeu como um período de mudanças em direção à inserção do País no processo de globalização econômica, quando se imprimiu um perfil gerencial à gestão e ao planejamento escolar, notadamente no contexto da Reforma do Estado de 1995. O texto analisa, ainda, o período 2003-2015, quando uma nova gestão governamental instituiu, em 2007, o Plano de Ações Articuladas (PAR). O objetivo principal do plano é estabelecer uma cultura de planejamento nas secretarias municipais de educação e nas escolas de ensino fundamental, como instrumento para consolidar a autonomia local.

Palavras-chave: Planejamento educacional; Gestão educacional; Autonomia local

Introduction

The text analyses the historical process of planning education in Brazil in the last decades of the 20th century and early 21st. It examines how the educational management and planning were set up during that period and in which political circumstances the educational sector fits to the governmental purposes or defines its actions with autonomy. Data analyzed here come from an empirical research addressed to the educational management and planning theme.

As a guide to the analysis, the ambivalence of planning is considered, at the same time as technical and political instrument. It is technical while a rational way to define priority actions and the means to achieve them. As a State prerogative, it brings the political guidance from each government management. It must not be lost sight of the fact that the State, through the financing, has significant convincing power to impose its purposes on Society. After all, as Weber (1994) alerted, the State has the legitimate power of force and exercises domination on men and their institutions.

Nevertheless, the execution of a government plan not always sustained entirety, in the middle of unpredictable conjunctural occurrences from economics and the labor market. The plan might be compromised by the influence of social groups that act with the state as opinion makers by virtue of their economic and political power. It is also necessary consider the mobilization of organized factions of society, which agglutinates the claiming capacity, somewhat scathing at different governmental stages.

Further the practices legitimately recognized within the State by power groups, there are also the patrimonial practices that last over the republican history, whose starts took place in the end of the 19th century (FAORO, 2014). Roughly speaking, by virtue of their political pacts with the leading cadres, local segments take over the rules for the use of administrative resources and financial resources, and consequently of the distribution of benefits for the population.

In Brazil, a national plan is affected also by political will of the Brazilian federated entities (States and municipalities). It occurs by virtue of the own federative organization in the country, instituted by the Federal Constitution of 1988, when the collaboration regime among the federated entities was established (Union, States and municipalities).

Even considering the economical and social diversities which focuses on the wide Brazilian territory, the state planning materialization, as Ianni (1995) agues, brings a control charge still expressing the State hegemonical ideology. For this reason, “the planning is a process which starts and finishes in the context of power strictures and relations” (IANNI, 1995, p. 309). Therefore, democracy development becomes indispensable to ensure the planning process in its economic and social complexity. It means the possibility to add the discussions and expectations from the civil Society to the technobureaucracy in an answer to the demands for political and economic emancipation.

Studies by Ferreira (2013 and 2014) elucidate the legitimation of the planning concept was part of a political struggle over the Brazilian republican history. Above all, it means questioning the condition to be recognized as democratic and revealing the interests of the majority; the reason for existing and being legalized, and in the strict sense of term, being fulfilled. Therefore, it remains to understand the correlations of forces that compose this struggle to know the dominant guiding on the conception and practice of planning. According to the same author, the roots of the political struggle by the planning autonomy are extended beyond the national borders (FERREIRA, 2013).

The planning was in the national capitalist State as part of a development project for a country located peripherally in the international labor division in a nonlinear and not even systematic process because if the correlation of forces throughout history.

Sometimes, the national State is conceived as a solution for problems from the capitalism, other times it is seen as a problem. Depending on the way the State deals with international injunctions, more tensioned or not, its sovereignty or submission attitude is affirmed.

This text is developed in three sessions, considering the practice of educational planning from the technical and political aspects that permeate the state action and the economic and political interests. It also takes into account the way in which the Brazilian federative organization operates and the correlation of forces that occurs in civil society.

The first section presents a synthesis of essential aspects of Brazilian State planning; the second one contemplates the educational planning trajectory from the Federal Constitution of 1988. The third one deals specially with the research on the AAR in some of the municipal education systems in the country.

State planning and the education in Brazil: dispute between conflicting values

In the historical period analyzed in this issue - starting from the second half of the 20th century -, Brazilian State provided itself mechanisms able to enforce its control, at least in a good part of the 20th and 21st centuries. Thereunto, it counted with its convincing power, either by the authoritarian bias or by democratic dialogue. Sometimes, educational project followed a utilitarian guideline when limits itself to supporting other demands from the economical Project of the State. In this case, educational plan emphasized the professional training in order to prepare workers to leverage the growing.

In more democratic stages was possible, especially by teaching-workers’ mobilization, discuss the plan in light of evaluative purposes. Such purposes were preparing individuals to fully enjoy their political rights, understanding and accessing different manifestations of human culture, and acting professionally with ethical contents and awareness of their transforming capacity.

At the beginning of the historical route studied, the Brazilian educational planning process followed the tendency instituted by the Latin America of using action plans as means to overcome the crises generated on the post-World War II. Countries from this region have suffered a series of political-economical disorders in global scope, and the overload of internal demands that goes further the attendance capacity of governments. For overcoming difficulties was necessary, among them the recurrent inflation, unbalance of balance of payments, exportation centered in a primary products and agriculture with low value aggregated.

Lavalle (2011) highlights that this crisis was followed by a migratory movement in field-town sense, what generates high unemployment rates and a fierce demand for dwelling, water, sanitation and transport services, further other industrialized goods supplies. With the migratory facts, new social groups emerged, and together them other needs and demands that exceeded the installed capacity of States to attend them.

Brazil has suffered this migratory flow and consequently the same social demands. In the 1940s decade, some attempts for planification were performed; however, more than properly planning, technical instruments were formulated, and they were limited to organize the budget process and set some goals for consecution of priorities from the economic area. During that decade, there were several attempts to coordinate, control and planning the Brazilian economy. As Lafer (2001) affirms, these attempts could not be considered as proper planning, because they were restricted to present proposals to reorganize the budget process, like the Salte Plan (1948), Simonsen Report (1944-1945), or proposals inspired by North American diagnosis, as the cases of Mission Cooke (1942-1943), the Mission Abbink (1948) and the Brazil-US Joint Commission (1951-1953).

The planning would just have consistency in Latin America in the 1960s decade, when international entities for financial and technical assistance, together other regional entities of the United Nations for Latin America encouraged collaboration of State plans in order to promote the region development, including as prerequisite for governments access credit from international financial institutions. Different political stiles adopted in each government stage have set the tone for relations between the State and international corporations, and internally between the relations with other federated entities.

The planning has strengthened that time with participation of international economic and financial entities - International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank Group -, whose objective was elaborating plans in order to reorganize the economy of European countries affected by the World War II. In 1960s, the actions by these organizations were extended to the Latin America as a cooperation way for development. Cooperation was materialized notably through financial loans addressed to the execution of base projects for economic growth of countries intermediated by the Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA).

Under the Organization of American States (OAS) auspices, international conferences were organized for development. The highlight was for the conferences organized in Uruguay and in Santiago de Chile (1961 and 1962). Participant countries made a commitment to carry out ECLA guidelines and adhere to a new economic cooperation program created by the Kennedy government in the USA, called Alliance for Progress.

According to the conferences guidelines, State Planning strenghten, including as prerequisite for governments access credit from the international financial institutions. Further the OAS, the events mentioned were sponsored by the International Development Agency (USAID), linked to the North American Department of State. Through bilateral agreements with Brazilian government, USAID gave technical and financial support to the economic growth process and to the reconstruction of public management restructuration - including in educational sector - which included contribution of management methodologies already used in the US state administration.

Brazilian educational plans are partially adequate to the aims established by international conferences, especially regarding the incorporation of education to development plans of governments, also to the homogeneous educational goals determined for all the Latin American region. The international proposal propagated the planning method known as Manpower approach, which established goals of an educational plan with quantitative aspects and competences required by the labor market. The method was a complement to the Human Capital Theory, according which development of human resources by educational system is understood as essential requirement for countries economic growth. In all the levels, education should, therefore, produce competences for employment and aggregate value to the human resources in the market (FONSECA, 2013).

The first experience to generate a comprehensive government planning in Brazil, incorporating the social sector - including education -, occurred in the building the Goals Plan during the President Kubitschek de Oliveira (1956-1960) government. Education was incorporated to his government program in order to prepare technical staff to implant base industries, which was the highlight of development project. Despite the vigorous international recommendations, the period from 1956 to 1963, which included democratic governments of Kubitschek and Goulart, was profitable for teaching-workers’ mobilization that back to debate their ideas in national forums.

Congregated at the Higher Institute of Brazilian Studies, teaching-workers and other intellectuals addressed their critics to the international recommendation to subjugate the educational planning to the economic growth goals. Among the criticisms was also the homogeneous definition of goals for the Latin America, without considering the reality in each country. The civil mobilization has led to the government to imprint a national face to the educational goals, in a coadunation with the Brazilian reality. Educational plan in the next government, by João Goulart (1961-1963), incorporated the educators’ vision; however, it did not have continuity due to the president’s destitution and the military regime set up, which last from 1964 to 1985.

In the twenty years of military governments, a new way of government management and planning was imprinted. Education starts to integrate economic plans in order to prepare the Manpower for growth, whose objective was creating a modern industrial park as base to consolidate the “Brazil Power”. The World Bank and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) became closer partners in the process for definition of a Brazilian educational agenda. Technical and financial cooperation agreements between these agencies and the Ministry of Education were effective to configurate the higher education reform in 1968, also the Basic Education through the Law number 5.692, in 1971. The law economic bias has provoked significant changes, among them the syllabus restructuration, attributing priority to the fields from the professional field, according to the Human Capital doctrine.

In the late 1970s there was a slowdown in growth rate and acute inflationary acceleration in the country. Further internal reasons, the world energy crisis also weakened the Brazilian state productive capacity, as well as atrophied, in a progressive way, the state decision make and political support mechanisms in long term. According to Fiori (1995), financial crisis almost has obliged the government to declare external debt moratorium and compel it to take an ambiguous position, between a development option and stabilizing management.

Because these facts, the early 1980s was characterized as an economic crisis period, which was accelerated by inflation rising and difficulties in repayment of Brazilian foreign debt. The military regime went into crisis and proceeded to a negotiated democratic transition. Business and political sector, which were benefited by the developmental state, start to attack it under the argument of neoliberal theses that once again defended the market primacy in the globalization context.

Therefore, economic growth policy, promoted by military management development plans, was replaced in the late 1980s by adjustments policy to ensure economic and financial stability and against inflation as requirements to participate in the globalization processes. In the middle 1980s, adjustments were monitored by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Fiori (1995) tells that the state planning was restricted to 8 monetary stabilization plans in Brazil, 4 different currencies, 11 inflation calculation ratios, 5 price and wage freeze, 14 wage policies, 18 changes on the rules for the exchange, 54 changes on the rules for price control, 21 negotiation proposals for external debt and 19 government decrees on the subject of fiscal austerity.

Amidst state disorganization, the pressure from popular classes and social organization was intensified, especially from worker unions, searching for a full recognition of their political, social and economic rights. According to a study by Fonseca and Ferreira (2011), world economic difficulties which marked the 1980s have contributed to the financial weakening of the Brazilian states. At the end of the decade, neoliberal theses have strengthened and facilitate the conciliation of interests from dominant sectors, while blocking the advancement of the popular classes in conquer their rights. Therefore, relieving the market from economic constraints and to free become essential, and it was the justification to install neoliberal politics in the 1990s.

In educational policies field, this movement might be characterized as a displacement of democratization sphere (struggle of teaching workers during the constitution period) towards the modernization universe, because what is most urgent for national and international policies are the rationalization and optimization objectives, challenges enshrined in the current context, dominated by neo-Taylorian ideology (DUARTE; FERREIRA, 2012).

Planning and education: management pattern shaping school management

In the 1980s-decade, educational planning started to suffer more decisive influence from the World Bank. According the study by Fonseca (2009), through a series of agreements with the Ministry of Education (MEC in Brazilian Portuguese acronym) for basic education funding, Bank policy guidelines become part of the educational plans (BRASIL/MEC, 1980; 1986). It is legitimate to suppose that countries, when complying the guidance of international agencies for construction of plans and projects, also internalize the values, objectives and methods implicit in international planning models. Political and methodological conditions imposed in the clauses of contracts granted by financial agencies compete for this, notably those from the World Bank.

Unesco (UN body for education), on the other hand, does not act as a funding agency (despite being a financial pickup). However, it has the power to influence educational policies, especially in higher education, by bringing countries together around large-scale world events.

International influence intensity is verified by the way - shared or autonomous - with the governments that interact with the international field. Amidst the 1980s crisis, World Bank-funded projects for basic education brought to the Ministry of Education proposals a priori conceived by its staff. Among these projects, managerial planning models for primary schools are highlighted, with the aim of adapting the “management and organizational processes to use inputs and products and to evaluate results” (BRASIL/MEC, 1986, p. 21). The intention was diversifying the funding sources for basic education and to resize spending based on large-scale assessments and technical-pedagogical and managerial training of education professionals.

The effort to ensure governability and country's insertion in the global order was strengthened in Fernando Henrique Cardoso management (1995-2002). The eight years of government were marked by a political stability process that ensured continuity for the planning. Furthermore, the government focused on consolidating a state reform, using a qualification process of technicians (organized by the National School of Public Administration) who were directly involved in the preparation and execution of multi-annual planning (BRASIL/MARE, 1995).

Ferreira (2007) remembers that the Infrastructure investments in the social area, environment or the modern field of information and knowledge would reduce the so-called Custo Brasil (Brazil Cost), as the government wanted. The 1995 State Reform established a federal public administration for results management, an integration of planning, budgeting and management, and performance appraisal across all federal government programs. To complete the process, the National Privatization Program, which was responsible for the privatization and concession of public services to the private sector, was accelerated. The new model would benefit Brazil because the costs of services would be similar those of international market and by introduction of competition and the management and financial strengthening of companies.

The internal managerial approach to state reform has become a more technical public management, offering rational, supposedly neutral, solutions to solve economic and social problems. The process advocated did not occur in a linear form, because it was linked to a historically configured social practice, maintained under the surveillance of organized sectors of society.

According to the document which analyses the state planning process in that period (BRASIL/MPOG, 2002), the search was to adequate the country to the modernization movement of public management, which was occurring around the world, started in the 1980s. Such transformations defined by the Brazilian state (BRASIL/MARE, 1995) affected significantly the education field, especially the school education, changing purposes, values and education practices.

One of the most reiterated objectives in basic education reforms was focused on administrative decentralization, understood as a mean of shifting responsibility for administrative efficiency, teaching effectiveness, and part of its funding to the school. Thereunto, management has become the affirming instrument for a new school culture, inspired by organizational models which incorporate autonomy and leadership strategies within decentralized institutions. According to the 1995 State Reform Guidelines, public institutions should adopt management models specific from the private sector, including the planning and organization of schoolwork.

The rationality imposed on Brazilian public management fit the neoliberal scenario of the 1990s, described by Lojkine (1995) and Rifkin (1995), which had science and technological innovation as fundamental productive forces, because knowledge and Science would play a prominent role in all sectors (industry, agriculture, services, leisure). Educational agenda, as well as education institutions changed their objectives and priorities. Public institutions from the basic education to the higher education has redefined their purposes in order to demarcate professional profiles adjusted to the training required by the market.

Newman and Clarke (2012) considered such attitude as transference of a business ethos from the private sector to the state and the public sector. The authors refer to places even where public services are not fully privatized, because a performance marked by competitiveness is required.

This trend is evident in Brazil through the transfer of resources and assignments to regional and local political levels; by delegating authority to public administrators who become progressively autonomous managers. Moreover, the trend is still evident by objectives to be achieved as quantitative performance indicators, whenever possible, as required by the management contract between the central government and local leaders (SCAFF, 2011).

National Education Plan prepared at the end of 1990 decade (PNE/2001), in a dichotomous process between segments of civil society and the federal government, lost strength within the Ministry of Education. Government strategic proposal was prioritized, whose declared intention was sharing the education costs with society, disregarding school as a right, but as a family, society and community duty. Education management - especially the school management - become guided by the management mode, which was undoubtedly a strategy to lead school institutions to the technical models of event planning that take the market as an example of economic efficiency.

According to the results of research conducted by Fonseca, Toschi and Oliveira (2004), the project that disseminated managerial precepts arose from a technical-financial agreement signed in 1998 between MEC and World Bank for the School Strengthening Fund Program (Fundescola in Portuguese acronym). Further the Bank guidance to manage the project, MEC searched for support from the United Nations Development Program (PNUD in Portuguese acronym), especially to contract consultants in strategic planning areas.

The study mentioned (FONSECA; TOSCHI; OLIVEIRA, 2004) identified the planning developed by Fundescola was in line with Fernando Henrique Cardoso Pluriannual Government Plan for the period 1996-1999: Avança Brasil. Organization of school actions would be as projects, each of them under responsibility of a teacher-manager. The management main target was the efficiency, understood as containment of school expenses and defining objectives rationally oriented to results or products. Thereby, school would be adapted to a systemic-functionalist organization addressed to provide solutions for problems which hamper the “system functioning”, such as dropout, repetition, grade-age distortion and poor school performance. According to the specification by Torre (1997), this organization way implies executing technical stages of planning: defining inputs (initial goals) and organizing actions according to diffusion, adaptation, implementation stages and finally performance appraisal.

Other option presented by the management proposal was harnessing know-how and installed capacity from the private sector, establishing partnerships with companies and non-governmental organizations to improve the quality of public education. The purpose was form networks between public and private schools, in which the latter could offer technical, material and teacher training assistance to public schools, especially those serving low-income students. This design was in line with a definition of Newman and Clarke's (2012, p. 359) managerial approach, which identifies it as “an ideology that legitimizes copyright, especially the right to use, built as used for further research in pursuit of organizational and social goals”. Public management, in its management meaning, was justified as indispensable to the country's development in face of the worldwide movement around economic growth through increased productivity.

Management proposal was performed through a government fund sent to schools by the School Development Plan (PDE in Portuguese acronym). The goal was stimulating the management board to make decisions which affect the school materially and take the responsibility by the results from those decisions. After dividing the activities and goals, management structure was completed by defining objective leaders, goal managers, and action plan execution teams. The main responsible by action results (or efficiency) were the school decision-makers. In line with the goal of reducing the Custo Brasil, they should look for other forms of funding for school activities through campaigns and events to encourage voluntary community input. Therefore, a work overload fell on the school management, forcing it to spend most of its time with minor activities that was not directly target the school’s pedagogical core.

During the first administration of the President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010), an effort was made to balance the tensions that arose from the clash of forces between the international demands of the economic-productive field and those which came from the educators’ mobilization in favor of an autonomous project for education. The close partnership established in the 1990s between the Brazilian government and international entities in the education area - the most representative was the World Bank - suffered a slowdown in Lula da Silva administration. Since then, no other agreements have been signed to finance education.

Multiannual Government Plan (2004-2007) followed a more social bias in order to correct the historical inequality among regions, people, genders and races. The priority for social policies is evident in the plan title “Strategic Government Guidance a Brazil for All: Sustainable Growth, Employment and Social Inclusion” (BRASIL, 2003, p. 15). Frequent contingencies of public funds combined with the lack of articulation between government agencies made the plan more focused on the attempt to maintain economic stability and fiscal balance. As political strategy, the government focused on strengthening the dialogue with the federated entities (Union, states and municipalities), taking advantage of the provisions of the Constitution approved in 1988, when the municipalities were elevated to federated entities and therefore endowed with autonomy. This matter deserved a thesis prepared by Martins (2009), which analyzed the educational planning basis from the structure of Brazilian federative system. As the Federation consists in the union of autonomous regional collectives, called subnational entities, the sharing of power supposed, without which the autonomy of the entities is not fully accomplished. Although the rules for redistributing resources to subnational entities express the sovereign will of a country, at the same time, autonomy implies the federative balance in which the relationship among entities is under the aegis of the collaborative regime. Thereby, the Federation is constituted by the power sharing of autonomous regional and local communities, without which autonomy is not accomplished. Because it is a pact sealed by the Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988, any element that acts negatively on these dimensions disturbs the federative balance. From this understanding, the second government of Lula da Silva (2007-2010) induced an Education pilicy planning to the subnational entities, with technical and financial support, to improve the basic education provision.

Articulated Action Plan as an alternative option to the school managerial pattern

Priority for education become effective in the second mandate of Lula da Silva (2007-2010), as his government plan title shows “Development with Social Inclusion and Quality Education” (BRASIL, 2007a). Such objective was materialized through instruments to strengthen the financing to states and municipalities, as expansion of the education financing fund policy for the whole basic education by creation of FUNDEB, further the creation of the Education Development Plan (PDE in Portuguese acronym) and its strategic program: the Articulated Action Plan (PAR also in Portuguese acronym), instituted by Decree number 6,094 (BRASIL, 2007b).

PAR was presented as an instrument to ensure collaboration among federated entities, connecting a set of programs developed by the three government subsystems - Union, states and municipalities. Collaboration would occur according to the §5th of the decree previously mentioned when establishing responsibility of Union to stimulate municipalities to take the responsibility to elaborate their education plans supported technical and financially by the Ministry of Education.

Thereunto, Federal Government made instruments available in order to guide planning in the municipalities from four dimensions. These objectives are: educational management; training of teachers and service professionals and school support; pedagogical practices and assessment; physical infrastructure and pedagogical resources.

The proposal was that PAR was constructed in a participative way, in order to promote an active presence of managers and local educators, of families and of community. Therefore, PAR stimulated an autonomous action of educational systems from a technology which might ensure support from MEC, at the same time that presented a field of possibilities for federated entities planning their educational offer.

Regarding the planning focus, PAR proposed to develop articulated programs integrating schoolwork in an organic set from fourguiding axes, namely: basic education, higher education, professional education and literacy. Thereunto, the search is structing an “education perspective system”, in other words, promoting articulation between the elementary school and the higher education, encouragig the resarch and the high school, among others.

With this format, the plan suposes overcome the educational actions fragmentation, coomon in the objective planning model, as use to happen in the cited Financial cooperation program between the World Bank and MEC (Fundescola in Portuguese acronym). To reach a systemic organization in the sense proposed by PAR, it must free from the protection of specific techniques to guarantee certain products or to solve specific problems. Actions should be thought in their political amplitude, in other words, as part of a pedagogical project that understand and organize education as a whole.

Articulated Action Plan deserved adhesion of totality of more than five thousand Brazilian municipalities. The planning proposal was welcomed as an innovative way to plan the actions of education systems. In its execution second stage, the plan was object for arguments that questioned its effectiveness for necessary transformations in education field at local level. According to the results from the research which gives bases to this analysis, Although the municipalities are autonomous in the constitutional plan, in economic, social and administrative plan they are marked by budgetary, structural, administrative and pedagogical difficulties that make them still dependent on a state policy capable of helping to overcome them.

Among the matters make evident through the research data, first, some consequences of the policies of the previous government were still evident in the management of basic education. Managerial way to plan and execute actions was present in some municipalities researched, which often associated the PAR with a bureaucratic instrument to be filled in to obtain funding from the federal government.

Other practices were observed from the continuity of actions that directly favored the private sector, such as partnerships with non-governmental or private entities that continued to expand in numerous municipalities through different strategies, for example, in the form of Education Development Arrangements (ADEs in Portuguese acronym), regulated by Resolution number 1/2012 by National Education Council (CNE also in Portuguese acronym). Thereunto, numerous non-governmental organizations and even companies interfered with municipal education through the ADEs, often using PAR resources, as there was a list of programs and projects linked to these companies in the education systems technology guides, as analyzed by Scaff and Fonseca (2016).

In the research performed with municipal education systems, we observed that further characterized as an intervention in public education, partnership presented non-efficient educational results. What might be noticed out was the establishment of a relationship of subordination of education professionals to the objectives of private sector organizations, in order to compromise the administrative and pedagogical autonomy of municipal education systems. Other matter that feed the academic debate is regarding PAR commitment with teaching quality, because it considers the Education Development Index (IDEB) as the indicator to verify the quality. The proposal by MEC is this index reaches the average 6.0, similar the developed countries that are part of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). Notwithstanding the limits of Ideb in assessing the Brazilian education quality, the data show its growth, which is to say that, in this aspect, the federated entity, was successful with implementation of PAR, especially the municipality.

However, empirical data do not ensure glimpse this equation in a simple way. Commonly, the research made evident the effort of numerous education systems with the task to planning the education, but we also observed several difficulties in this action, especially by the lack of professionals contracted through public tendering in education departments, also because the professionals administrate plentiful programs which arrive as demand from national and local governments, which usually were dissonant with an inclusive perspective for an emancipating education. Moreover, the culture of educational planning in educational systems depends on maintaining a policy (PAR is an example) for longer time and legally instituted in educational management as a way to build and strengthen the educational systems autonomy in the country.

Final considerations

The study presented makes evident the intense influence from international agencies in Brazilian Educational Planning. Through this influence, education in the country is historically oriented to labor formation for the labor market.

Social bias planning initiatives started in 1950s in Juscelino Kubitschek de Oliveira government were interrupted by the military government established by the 1964 coup d'état. Its orientation takes up the strict relationship between social and economic planning, which directly affects education, whose policies take a techno-professionalizing direction.

Educational management pattern instituted especially from the 1990 State Reform contributes to the internalization of international guidelines in educational planning. Thus, it aims to incorporate values, objectives and methods from the productive sector to the educational area.

Only in the early 21st century the creation of PAR established a possibility for the regulation of educational plan. The objective was to articulate, in an organic way, the inductive role of the Union with the autonomy of state and municipal federative entities.

Continuity of PAR during the period of three workers’ party governments (2007-2015), as well as its relative success in the achievements of the objectives to trace an educational planning in Brazil reveal its importance for the collaboration regime among the federated entities. Although the government's financial collaboration was small in the face of municipal demand, it cannot be denied that it represented an effort to ensure the preparation of municipal education plans and the implementation of many of the actions provided for in PAR instrument.

Foremost, PAR represented an innovation in Brazilian education because made possible the integrated planning practice based on the needs that each system identified as important. This innovative possibility, practiced for a long time, could grant the autonomy and collective responsibility of a country organized in a federative way.

Nevertheless, this autonomous building process was interrupted by a political and economic project for retraction of social rights in favor of interests that dominate the current global agenda. Thereby, both the National Education Plan (PNE in Portuguese acronym) and the collective action for planning the educational systems are threatened and without political strength to mature.

1Translated by Elita de Medeiros.

2Artigo elaborado a partir de Projeto de Pesquisa financiado pela Fundação de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento do Ensino, Ciência e Tecnologia do Estado de Mato Grosso do Sul (FUNDECT) e Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq).

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Received: May 05, 2019; Accepted: October 30, 2019

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