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versión impresa ISSN 0104-4060versión On-line ISSN 1984-0411

Educ. Rev. vol.36  Curitiba  2020  Epub 01-Dic-2020

https://doi.org/10.1590/0104-4060.75585 

DOSSIÊR

Relearnings on Democracy and Education in difference: the perspective of afro-latin women's networks1

Claudia Miranda* 
http://orcid.org/0000-0001-6105-6356

Aline Cristina Oliveira do Carmo* 
http://orcid.org/0000-0002-4999-5243

Célia Regina Cristo de Oliveira* 
http://orcid.org/0000-0002-8870-5288

* Universidade Federal do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (UNIRIO). Rio de Janeiro. Brazil. E-mail:mirandaunirio@gmail.com. E-mail: alinec.oliveira1984@gmail.com. E-mail: celiachristus@gmail.com.


ABSTRACT

The question that calls us for an analysis on how we can instigate a significant change, in the relationship between democracy and education, from difference, involves the inclusion of visions built from the politicization of afro-latin women. We consider the role of leadership networks taking Brazil as a starting point, and anchored in experiences in countries like Uruguay, Cuba, Argentina and Colombia. The decolonizing perspective, which we find in their propositions, reallocates our impressions of the defined places, based on the processes of racialization and, consequently, of stigma and prejudice produced in intersectionality. We understand that the alternatives, which we can find in the promotion of new social pacts, must be aligned with the demands of the bases, taking into account the segments impacted by the genocidal projects, as it happens with the female and black populations. Based on their intervention dynamics, the proposition of “outsider pedagogies” produced within the scope of these collectives is defended.

Keywords: Relearnings; Education; Afro-latin women's networks; Social pacts; “Outsider pedagogies”

RESUMO

A questão que nos convoca para uma análise sobre como podemos insuflar uma mudança significativa na relação entre democracia e educação desde a diferença, passa pela inclusão de visões construídas a partir da politização de mulheres afro-latinas. Consideramos o papel das redes de lideranças tomando o Brasil como ponto de partida, ancoradas nas experiências em países como Uruguai, Cuba, Argentina e Colômbia. A perspectiva descolonizadora, que encontramos em suas proposições, realocam nossas impressões sobre os lugares definidos, a partir dos processos de racialização e, consequentemente, de estigmas e preconceitos produzidos na interseccionalidade. Entendemos que as alternativas que podemos encontrar no fomento de novos pactos sociais devem estar alinhadas com as demandas das bases, levando em conta os segmentos impactados pelos projetos genocidas, como ocorre com as populações femininas e negras. A partir de suas dinâmicas de intervenção, defende-se a proposição de pedagogias outsiders produzidas no âmbito dessas coletividades.

Palavras-chave: Reaprendizagens; Educação; Redes de mulheres afro-latinas; Pactos sociais; Pedagogias outsiders

Introduction

Attacks, criminalization of peripheral territories and disregard for the health of the poorest populations, are some of the issues of concern, for the field of Education and for the proposal of educational policies inspired by a republican country project. In a global scenario marked by the abandonment of the most vulnerable strata, and, due to the effects of capitalism in decline, we are faced with new phenomena, for now, recognized by the intensification of genocide. At the same time, these are phenomena with tentacles and present themselves within the key of necropolitics (MBEMBE, 2018), understood as contemporary ways of subjugating life to the power of death.

In the countries of Latin America (LA) and the Caribbean, this violence are ways that work with something similar to a new apartheid, this time discarding the lives of racialized people without measuring consequences, as we can see in the recent statistics on lethality and crisis sanitary. For a better understanding of this problem, you can adopt a magnifying glass and observe overlapping layers from the inside. In them, the history of women, when examined in the intersectional perspective - which involves issues of race, gender, class and sexuality -, can reorient us in understanding the condition of people of African descent. From these different layers, black women are impacted by mechanisms of subordination that have to do with powerful schemes of domination.

We started from there, looking for counterpoints on the differences converted into inequalities, and guided by other educations and perspectives outlined in community bases. We defend emerging alternatives, which drive movements against the grain, solutions that we define, for now, as “outsider pedagogies” (emphasis added). The networks and collectives of black thinkers and activists are the locus of decolonizing learning. We agree that it is liberating to educate the new generations and the impoverished sectors, in creative thinking and transforming forces, as defended by Orlando Fals Borda (1925-2008).

When we take these ideas of social emancipation as a scope, also in the field of research, it has been urgent to assume broad interpretive mosaics, to better understand the role of their studies carried out in the field of Education. A sensing / thinking approach adopted under the Participatory Action Research requires, from us, the sectors engaged with the decolonizing agenda, a “sankofa movement” (emphasis added), which allows us to look at the processes experienced, collectively, in marginalized territories and (re) learning about other educations. Participatory Action Research suggests that we know the needs of the community and then join forces to ensure disruptions and transform reality.

The pillars of outsider within thinking5 (outsiders inside; foreigners inside) were explored based on the assumption of Patricia Hill Collins (2016) and for this work, it works as a guión. We take as a key point, the defense presented by Sueli Carneiro6 (2019, p.294), in the speech74about the possible horizons to face the countless problems that affect us, as a pluridiverse country:

Those who see the future also believe that if historical conditions have led us to a country in which people's skin color or raciality has become a factor that generates inequality, these conditions are not inscribed in the national DNA, as they are a product of the action or inaction of human beings and for that very reason they can be intentionally transformed by the action of human beings today.

Our (re) educating task, therefore, includes the assessment of the current conditions of the strata represented as “different”, observing the production of narratives that favored (favored) hierarchical positions and subordinate social places. Carneiro's emphasis reinforces our assessment of the important presence of black organizations but, above all, of thinkers who acted (and act) against the established, going beyond public management, in their proposals for social intervention, as is the case with Geledés- Instituto da Mulher Negra (founded by Sueli Carneiro and other intellectual activists, in 1988, in São Paulo). In the same direction, CRIOLA (Rio de Janeiro) is a reference in this process, and is committed, among many urgencies, to building a society where the values of justice, equity and solidarity are a priority (SILVA, 2018). Like Carneiro (in Geledés), Lúcia Maria Xavier de Castro (Lúcia Xavier) is on the front line and points out:

We are responsible for many fronts, we refer, practically, from the end of the 90's until today, production regarding the theme of health for the black population, in addition to being responsible for creating fronts, present until today, in relation to HIV / AIDS (CASTRO, 2020, p. 7).

On the platform of black intellectual-activist institutions, CRIOLA is recognized for presenting an agenda that point out ways for public policies on security, organization, health of black women and the wider society. Its internationalization accompanies the post-Durban movement: “This Conference brought many elements, it made us have the ability to look ahead and also to articulate” (CASTRO, 2020, p. 11). In CRIOLA's history, the national and international interconnection indicates some paths adopted for the consolidation of its project, which, in the view of Ana Beatriz da Silva, is political-pedagogical: “[...] we understand that these experiences point to a different thought, which promotes the affirmation of diversity. A history of insertion that promotes the deconstruction of a univocal vision of existence and conformation of subjectivities of diasporic populations” (SILVA, 2018, p.116). Silva has developed a study comparing the proposals of the organizations “Coisa de Mulher” and “CRIOLA” and their educational approaches: “We believe that the education promoted by these organizations of black women, encompass proposals capable of competing in curricula established and promote 'epistemic destabilization' ” (SILVA, 2018, p.117). Under such influences, we can say that research in our field can expand its scope and add experiences developed at the base, precisely where the organizations of the Black Movement and the Black Women Movement operate. We add, in this context of possibilities, the urgency of new studies that contemplate gender relations and the alternatives for greater socio-educational mobility of girls, youth and women, victims of the stigmas already discussed in the studies by Carneiro (2005). Gender relations would work as an important key, within the perspective of necropolitics. It is known that femicide is generally perpetrated by men, in situations in which women have less power and involves abuse at home, threats and intimidation. In Brazil, between 2009 and 2011, according to the report of Leila Posenato Garcia et al.(2013) made for the Institute for Applied Economic Research - IPEA, 61% of deaths were of black women, being the main victims in all regions (with the exception of the South). The report highlights the high proportion of deaths in the Northeast (87%), North (83%) and Midwest (68%). All victims had low schooling. Their presence, in the scope of domestic work, denounces the effects of an overwhelming process, promoted by colonial adventure, in the defined territory (in their narratives), such as Latin America. With due proportions, they are the same forms of fixation that they receive in countries that present multicultural realities. As an example, it draws attention to the effects of this phenomenon, capable of naturalizing the invention of differences, in societies such as Uruguayan, Cuban, Argentine and Colombian. In other words, in contexts in which the ethos of serfdom has taken root, to maintain social hierarchies and to explore racialized segments. When investigating collective anti-racist mobilizations in Cuba, Bárbara Oliveira Souza found “an increase in mobilization and discourse that opposes the narrative that the Revolution solved racism in the country, in comparison with previous decades” (SOUZA, 2015, p. 344). The collective of “Afro-Cuban” women has strengthened itself in the debate on race and gender relations, in community and academic spaces, and its trajectory is important in diagnosing gender disadvantages. Afro-Latin, Afro-Caribbean and African Diaspora women are the most sacrificed for the impact they suffer from the violence of systemic racism and gender inequalities.

In the research by Karina Batthyány Dighiero and Sol Scavino Solari (2018), the authors examine how the feminization of care is a product of the social construction of gender around women. In the conclusions, they indicate that women are the main caregivers and, as care work, unpaid (in health), in Uruguay, corresponds to 1/3 of the household, of the health sector, in the Gross Domestic Product. Generally, women assume the costs of losing their autonomy and limitations, in enjoying rights. This type of unpaid occupation is a loss for subjects who are represented as responsible for care. In the analysis of unpaid work, they included carrying out household chores, assisting, supporting other families and volunteering. With these methodological contributions, they state that the research “made visible the contribution of families and women to societies as a whole and to national economies” (DIGHIERO; SOLARI 2018, p.2). In the Cuban case, according to the National Survey on Gender Equality (ENIG, 2016) 6, women spend 14 hours more on domestic tasks than men. Currently, what is seen is an aging process (which is accelerating) of its population, with more than 20.4% of people over 60 years of age. When considering the results of the investigation by Dighiero and Solari (2018), attention is drawn to the workload of families (with parents, grandparents and grandparents), and the consequences for Cubans. Rosa Campoalegre (2020, p.1) points out some important aspects on the road to effective changes in Cuban society: “The imperative is to diversify and articulate these care policies, taking the cultural transformation policies as a transversal axis”.

Campoalegre Septien (2020, p.1). adds that "adding the challenge of delimiting between domestic work and paid or unpaid work, confusing them, contributes to the reproduction of gender inequalities". Notably, they are aspects that denounce the lack of rupture with the effects of serfdom in the daily lives of Uruguayan and Cuban women. At the same time, it is important to recover what Hill Collins denounces, regarding the number of African American women, in domestic work: “In 1940, almost 60% of African American workers were domestic workers. The first time that this occupational category did not present itself as the largest segment of the black female workforce was in the 1970 Census” (COLLINS, 2016, p. 99-100). Precarious work, therefore, would be another important key to understanding the issues that mobilize us to interpret our chances of renegotiating in our respective societies, while considering that, in all these contexts, poverty has color.

Researcher Silvia Federici participated in the Wages for Housework [Campaign for a wage for housework] and her study on women and primitive accumulation offers new interconnections to understand the thickness of the problem of the invention of hierarchies and, in this context, the condition racialized populations. Federici indicates that the witch hunt took place, also, in the African continent with emphasis on Nigeria and South Africa, being this an instrument of division in contexts in which, the slave trade worked. Thus, the witch hunt "has been accompanied by the loss of social position of women, caused by the expansion of capitalism and the intensification of the struggles for natural resources, which in recent years has been aggravated by the imposition of the neoliberal agenda" (FEDERICI, 2017, p. 416).

Still on the Uruguayan reality, the Sociodemographic Atlas and the Desigualdad del Uruguay has a prominent role, in order to understand the processes of organizing grassroots movements: thousand personas who declared themselves to be of African descent. In percentage terms, this figure implies 8.1% of total population with relevant information [...]” (CABELLA; NATHAN; TENENBAUM, 2013, p. 16). According to the research carried out by Silvia Thais Corrêa Cezar Gonsalves Rosa and Waldemir Rosa (2019), it was only in this census that the question about racial ancestry was incorporated and this enabled the production of more accurate estimates of the size of the Afro-Brazilian population. Uruguayan. They also indicate that “in Uruguay there is a phenomenon of racialization of poverty and social exclusion” (ROSA, S.; ROSA, W., 2019, p.122). These data help us to better understand how inequalities are produced by the exclusion of racialized segments and, help us to direct our interpretations, on the multiple affiliations of the women most affected, by these developments of the violence of capitalism, patriarchies and the racialization of poverty.

In the Afro-Uruguayan movement, one can observe the impact of a particular situation of expressive political changes. In the 1970s, negotiations to carry out the “Socio-economic and cultural diagnosis of la Mujer Afrouruguaya” helped to reveal serious problems about an invisible segment. As Laura Cecília López points out, the data showed that 50% of the women interviewed in this diagnosis "were engaged in domestic work, earning very low wages, without being able to solve their own survival and that of the family"(LÓPEZ, 2013, p. 48). Also, half of the women interviewed had not attended high school. Of this universe, only 4% reached higher education. The above aspects were incorporated by the fact that, in the LA region, Uruguay appears as a society, where the chance of access to university banks is an important indicator of the situation of greater equality of opportunities. Even so, there is a worrying socio-racial problem, as it happens in Cuba, in view of the itinerary of the demands of public inclusion policies.

On the Afro-Cuban social movement, Bárbara Oliveira Souza mentions aspects of the mobilization for the debate on the plan for the International Decade for People of African Descent: “The mobilizations and activities, like this one, strengthen the narrative of these movements and make it possible to problematize other discursive perspectives on the racial theme in everyday situations” (SOUZA, 2015, p. 323). Thus, one of the obstacles observed is the inoperability of the State, to address the issue of racial inequalities. He warns that, also in the case of Afro-Cubans, both gender and race are social markers that disadvantage and hinder the transformation and recognition of intersectional obstacles. Recovers findings from the struggle of social movements, engaged in the anti-racist agenda:

In addition to the collectives that deal with the issue of black women at the same time, there was one of the pioneering social organizations in the racial and gender debate in the 1990s, which after a few years of foundation was deactivated on the recommendation of the Communist Party of Cuba. Called Magín, this organization was very important for expanding the debate on black feminism, despite not being exclusively focused on the racial theme (SOUZA, 2015, p. 330).

Although Cuba has experienced the silence of racial issues due to the rigidity of the social system, they have been (are) boiling and positively impacting public management. We can say that, at present, there is more space for the problematization required in contexts crossed by inequalities. For these aspects, it is important to consider the suffocation of themes such as gender inequalities and the limitations experienced by Afro-Cubans.

Also in the educational field, it is imperative that we assume, as a decolonizing demand, data that help us to map the positions that girls, young people and black women occupy, in order to support greater alignments and proposals for the recovery of lost rights, in numerous countries. Still according to Hill Collins,

[...] there is a long and rich tradition of black feminist thinking. Much of this thinking has been produced orally by ordinary black women, in their roles as mothers, teachers, music and pastors. Since the civil rights and feminism movement, black women's ideas have been increasingly documented and are reaching a wider audience

In the LA region, it is a sine qua non task, promoting new displacements and focusing on the expansion of lenses for new ethnographic studies in comparative education and, observing the possibilities of advances, as well as greater socio-educational mobility. A historic milestone for us to inquire about social policies, is the International Decade for People of African Descent, which started on January 1, 2015, and will end on December 31, 2024, with the theme “African descendants: recognition, justice and development”. It was inaugurated after the general debate of the sixty-ninth session of the United Nations (UN) General Assembly and presents an alarming diagnosis about the effects of maintaining racism and its consequences, especially for women in the African diaspora. At the same time, it constitutes itself as an operational platform that promotes policies to reduce injustices, racism and discrimination, and to promote cultural diversity by valuing common inheritances arising from the interactions produced by the history of serfdom. For all these reasons, it makes sense to observe and evaluate the community performances developed in the projects and initiatives, which include insurgent and decolonizing praxis.

Renegociating with “outsiders pedagogies

Négritude is a locus for the African diaspora and was able to open, as a pan-Africanist movement, in Europe, some shortcuts in arid contexts and in some way, led us to greater possibilities of believing in links with African and Afro-descendant worldviews. It also led us to greater possibilities of establishing cooperation and walking in line with subsequent movements. Thus, a transnational reference is located that served to rethink the strategies of struggle. In the same way, the great movement of black feminists in the United States (USA), reached the South, and influenced other dynamics, generating new cyclical readings about Afro-descendants. In our view, they produced, in a continuous movement, “outsider pedagogies (emphasis added) driven by an inevitable reaction in markedly unequal contexts. We agree with Patrícia Hill Collins, when she says that the experience of black women as outsiders within can help a whole society to reinvent itself:

[...] a variety of individuals can learn from the experiences of black women as outsiders within: black men, the working class, white women, other people of color, religious and sexual minorities and all individuals who, even having coming from a social strata that provided them with the benefits of insiderism, they were never comfortable with the assumptions of the latter taken for granted (COLLINS, 2016, p. 122).

In his view “many black intellectuals, especially those in contact with their marginality in academic contexts, explore this point of view by producing different analyzes regarding issues of race, class and gender” (COLLINS, 2016, p. 100). The decolonizing perspective, which we find in “propositions outsiders within” (emphasis added) is undeniable. At the same time, it makes sense to align ourselves with Audre Lorde (2017), to examine the defined places, based on the differentiation processes. This is because we understand that the alternatives, which we must adopt and instill new social pacts, must present interconnections with the demands of the social movements and the target populations of the ongoing genocidal projects, on a large scale. What Lorde examines about the practices of black and female insurgency is noteworthy: “Super survival is learning to assimilate our differentiations and convert them into potentialities. Because the tools of love never dismantle the house of love” (LORDE, 2017, p. 106).

With these clues, new questions are encouraged about the role of differences in the lives of women of African descent, taking Brazil as a point of reference but anchored in the experiences of the networks organized within LA and the Caribbean. We can say that marginal positions in academic environments were mentioned in the speech made by Lorde. At the center of his explanation is the proposal to “define and profit for a world in which we can all flourish” (LORDE, 2017, p.105). With the inspirations it offers, it reconnects us to harbor the central idea of Patricia Hill Collins (2016) about “outsiders from within” (or “foreigners from within”). In “Learning from the outsider within: the sociological significance of black feminist thinking”, Hill Collins defines the advantages of “being an outsider” including skills for the survival of those women who historically “cannot flourish”. Both Audre Lorde (2017) and Hill Collins (2016) guide us through the journey that we have been carrying out, over the past decade, in cooperation projects with pedagogical movements and Afro-latin networks.

The educational trajectory of women who launched themselves with the support of training, in these instances, mobilizes us to think about possible intersections in the face of differences in race, sexuality and class. Any debate on personal or political issues is meaningless without your perspectives. We ratify that the question that calls us, for an interpretation on how we can instigate a significant change in the relationship between democracy and education, since the difference, passes through the thesis of Lorde (2017, p. 103) about the visions constructed by black women, in the world. We learned from her that, as in the USA, also in Brazil, and in the countries mentioned here, racism, sexism and LGBTphobia, are inseparable. It is essential to observe the cracks in which we will carry out other political-pedagogical shifts, with ideals of equality and justice, in the exercise of reimagining the democratic horizon. In other words, the countless researches involved with stigmatized groups have an important task, which is to recover meanings that reorient us in this task.

In her work “Intersectionality and Racial and Gender Inequalities in the Production of Knowledge among Black Women” Sônia Beatriz dos Santos (2017, p. 115) analyzes intersectionality as a concept produced by intellectuals from the African diaspora, who privileges their contributions to the knowledge production on the intersections of racial and gender inequalities. The author concludes with emphasis on the relevance of identifying and confronting the racist, sexist and heterosexist assumptions that have limited the possibilities for black women to be considered and respected as 'subjects' (SANTOS, 2017, p. 116). The anti-racist agenda in Brazil is one of the most important, among the references for the world, and names like those of Sueli Carneiro, Lucia Xavier - among other black intellectual-activists - are part of a group that is inspired by thinkers like Patrícia Hill Collins, Audre Lorde and Lélia González. The Afro-Latin American feminism proposed by González is yet another key to this reassembly that we propose, in the renegotiation agenda, in Brazil and in LA. On August 24, 1984, in a speech given at the Legislative Assembly of the State of Rio de Janeiro, González (2018) gives the following warning: “We all have to unite in this struggle together, respecting the differences that separate, because a woman is not equal to a man, a black is not equal to a white. But we are not going to reproduce what capitalism does to us: transform difference into inequality” (GONZÁLEZ, 2018, p. 229).

In the call made by this researcher-university professor and activist, with deference, in the Black Movement (MN) and in the Black Women Movement, we found more clues about how to renegotiate society and how to reframe democratic processes in markedly pluridiverse contexts. He emphasizes that his intervention was on behalf of Nzinga - Collective of Black Women, and that he was not alone, but with the group of which he was a part. Lélia González was refuged in a quilombo and committed to a collective discourse. In other words, the lesson that we take advantage of, this option, in our view, “pedagogical outsider”, is that this movement needs to be in block and continuous. As we learned, in different university careers, the mission of research, teaching and extension institutions must reach the whole of society, and a consequence of this commitment, it is to democratize the forms of access, to the knowledge referred to as reference, in addition to valuing different knowledge and knowledge of the surrounding communities. From the perspective of the movement of Afro-Latin women, we could consider their intervention platforms with significant capillarity, in the politicization of young people that educational systems would have to absorb, in their totality and guarantee mobility and broad training.

Afro-latin networks as locations of (re) learning

The Political Platform of black leaders, in front of the International Decade of People of African Descent (2015) gives a clue about the fabric already carried out between different Latin American dynamics. In the studies of Laura Cecília López, the anthropologist points out that:

It is possible to observe the formation of transnational networks of activists organized around collective anti-racist and anti-sexist causes, which found a favorable world scenario from the 1970s on in circuits of identifications through different colonial and post-colonial realities and struggles for redemocratization in several Latin American countries. (LOPÉZ, 2013, p. 46)

The Red de mujeres afrolatinoamericanas, afrocaribeñas y de la diaspora (RMAAD) presents, in its declaration on the world health crisis, some aspects that call us:

The creation of Afrolatinoamericanas, Afrocaribeñas and Diaspora Red as a result of articulating efforts to combat gender oppression and reason through the exposure of marginality experienced by African women in the region against stereotypes and prejudices that have historically fallen on them, in addition to promoting the participation of women of African descent in all spheres of public life, especially in decision-making spaces. 28 years ago we have grown in incidence and membership, we are in 23 countries in different regions such as the Andean Region, Southern Cone, Caribbean, Central America, La Diaspora, North America (RED…, 2020, p. 1).

RMAAD was created in 1992 to articulate efforts on the Latin American continent, to interrupt the processes of racism and sexism. With this idea, it intends to generate ruptures, which can reduce the effects of this phenomenon in the lives of racialized women. Their commitment includes greater visibility for the marginal situation in which millions of women of African descent live, due to the discrimination suffered due to their racial belonging and also due to the effects of misogyny. As a strategic plan for LA, it insists on complaints about different forms of discrimination, prejudice and subordination. Its members are committed to the recognition of other identities, with respect for diversity, with horizontality, with forms of democratic and inclusive participation and collegiate leadership, with solidarity, equality, with own capital, with commitment and with responsibility.

Glenda Joanna Wetherborn's work, on ways to eliminate racialized life, complements our perceptions of how this agenda is a call for the collective commitment made. Their training is a central aspect to understand the role of African-Latin women's networks in the region. Some data collected by her in her work on the impact of violence against Afro-descendants in the Americas makes sense:

[…] The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights [IACHR] has followed up on allegations of structural discrimination and racial inequalities that affect the practices of applying law and the criminal justice system in the United States, expressing particular concern about continuing problems of racial damage used in police surveillance, excessive use of police force and impunity of police officers and police departments involved (WETHERBORN 2020, p. 87).

The author is a participant in this network, and this concern appears in her analysis of living conditions, in different countries where the state has had little impact on protecting the most vulnerable people. Born in Guatemala, the activist-researcher and participant of RMAAD, makes an important journey in academic education. She is a black journalist with Jamaican descent, (Afro-descendant Creole) who defines herself as a popular educator, a signatory of black feminism. Wetherborn has a degree in Communication Sciences and a Masters in Equality and Equity in Development (Universidad Central de Cataluña).

In 2018, Costa Rican economist and politician Epsy Campbell9Barr10 was elected vice president of her country, being the first Afro-Latin woman, in a high governance position. Recognized as a researcher and activist for women's rights and the agenda for racial equality, Campbell Barr was part of the construction of the Network of Afro-Latin American and Afro-Caribbean Women (1997-2001). The vice president of Costa Rica has a trajectory marked by the recreation of the community perspective for racialized populations and with the particularity of being Afro-Latin. He was a member of the Alliance of People of African Descent in Latin America and the Caribbean (ARAAC) and was part of the Black Parliament of the Americas. She also coordinated the Women's Forum for Central American Integration (1996-2001) and is one of the names in the group of founders of the Center for Afro-Costa Rican Women.

Both the formation of Glenda Joanna Wetherborn, as well as the important political-activist crossing of Campbell Barr, shows us the legacy of these networks in the context of the struggle for the feminine afro existence. In Uruguay, “through their work, activists from Mundo Afro provided, during the 1990s, an emerging dimension in society [...] around the explicit consideration of the racial issue as a social problem in the public sphere” (LÓPEZ, 2013, p. 47). In turn, Mizangas Mujeres Afrodescendientes (2006) is constituted as a network formed by a majority of university students and acts within the scope of training considering the potential of leaders, for a work to resume social and community protagonism. To this end, it is constituted by the youth sector of the Organización Mundo Afro (OMA), which is an important Afro-Uruguayan reference. In the profile of his website Mizangas states that it constitutes “for the political impact from intersectionality”.

It has a solid presence as a network participating in the Afro-Uruguayan Movement and has contributed to the political agenda of Africans in order to consolidate the Red Nacional de Mujeres Afrouruguayas (Red) NAMUA (2013). This space, therefore, is an arena for political occurrence across the country. In Argentina, the Tertúlia de Mujeres Afrolatinoamericanas (TEMA) (Buenos Aires) works with a significant number of black women from different origins and among its objectives are: “to build knowledge, share feelings and experiences about what it means to be a woman of African descent in la Argentine society ”. One example is reflected in the production of the Brazilian researcher, Bruna Stamato. In “For the amefricanization of feminism” he emphasized:

Over the past few years, Afro-Argentine and Afro-descendant communities of migrant origin have increasingly amplified their struggle for rights, recognition and against invisibility and stigmatization. Many of these struggles are developed by associations and groupings whose leaders are often women of African descent. Today, a movement of women of African descent is being consolidated here, formed by women who think about their gender condition and build identities and narratives about themselves (STAMATO, 2018, p. 1).

According to an article published by the Alma Preta newspaper, the Tertúlia de Mujeres Afrolatinoamericanas was created in 2015 and is the first black feminist collective in Argentina. In an interview, to Megafonunla, Gladys Flores stated that “Las mujeres afro o negras are recommending a lot of super interesting fruits. Since the 80's hub associations, but more about discrimination, since feminism there will be five years, which is the time we will take with Tertulia”. In a study on Brazil and Colombia, Danielle de Deus França Galvão Gomes Vaz (2017, p. 97) considers that “investments in comparative research, research on networks of educators are still few, thus configuring the relevance and the innovative character of this investigation, for the field in which it finds itself - the field of Education ”. In Rio de Janeiro, the Rede Carioca de Etnoeducadoras Negras (RECEN), a permanent forum that appears in 2015 (Federal University of the State of Rio de Janeiro - UNIRIO), with the participation of popular educators, teachers of public schools, activists and researchers at universities, appears as a seed network. The motivations are explained on its publicity page and Red Hilos de Ananse ( Bogotá) is its driving force. Attention is drawn to the number of participants in the five editions of the meetings (between 2015 and 2019), at UNIRIO. In “Redes etnoeducadoras y otras educaciones frente a la crisis global”, they point out:

We work in dialogue with Red Ananse and so, we have promoted self-managed training and guaranteed greater links with public universities. Also from the institutions of black women in Brazil, we have learned about the genocidal agency of the State and its impacts on the lives of peripheral black families. We learned about how we exploit other cracks, in dialogue with domestic service workers, homeless men, educators in urban peripheries, in palenques, which endure the pains of various losses (REDE…, 2020, p. 29).

The connection with the experience of the Red de Maestros y Maestras tras los Hilos de Ananse (Bogotá) is evident, a network that has been operating since 2003, with a focus on other theoretical-epistemological mosaics to influence curriculum selection and to a wide formation. The Colombian network's commitment revolves around the revision of the contents to be taught, in a multicultural reality and in dispute of meanings. For RedAnanse researcher and participant, Luis Guillermo Meza Álvarez (2019, p. 126), the incidence depends on a series of mobilization strategies including the popular sectors: “[...] this incidence takes place in a variety of scenarios and themes of political and social action that are socially organized in a hierarchical manner: school, university, Afro-Colombian social movement, teachers' union, home, family, etc. ”

The pillars of its performance are reflected in RECEN. As an unfolding of the permanent forum, of self-managed training - which includes professionals from schools and universities, as well as free thinkers who develop work in different instances of social movements - are the projects “Teachernetworks and organizational dynamics: proposals for pedagogies alternatives ”(extension) and, the research project“ Decolonial pedagogies in theoutsider withinmovement: contributions to the observatory of ethno-educators (es) ”.The fabrications are made in a cross-cultural and diasporic movement, and collaborative praxis and a continuumcan be captured, advocated in the collaboration between Red Ananse and RECEN. This connection is made explicit by Vaz when he affirms that they present ideas where “the complaint, the search for academic and pedagogical work methodologies, the philosophical formulations and aspects, are strongly marked by the possibility of reviewing curricular proposals and perception of the legacy of black resistance” (VAZ, 2017, p. 96). Notably, theoutsider within movement (emphasis added) is a reference to the assumption of Patricia Hill Collins, who makes up our interpretive framework, on “outsider pedagogies” with Afro-Latin institutions and networks of activist-thinkers.

By way of a conclusion

Under the risks posed by fascist waves, different sectors of Brazilian society have been demanding the resumption of a republished country project, which, consequently, houses the democratic ideal. The perspective of “outsider pedagogies” postulates new displacements en bloc and, thus, aligns with the liberating praxis , defended within the scope of Afro-Latin networks. Our interest, over the past ten years, has been to analyze educational processes promoted by thinkers, activists and professionals committed to decolonizing agendas. In the spheres that operate in the underground of society, they are challenged in coming and going between their homes, their social relations and the world of work. Notably, we find cracks to glimpse other educations and renegotiation alternatives, in Brazil, and in the LA countries. This will depend on ensuring arenas of dialogue and more porous environments, where the pluridiverse can emerge.

“Outsider pedagogies” are guiding by bringing together public bodies, grassroots movements and professionals who are committed to revising strategies to reduce social injustices. Inflating other oxygenating gaps can be the motto for renegotiating social relations in arid contexts, markedly shaken by the ethos of servitude. About the struggles of african-latino networks, we learn fromoutsidermovements, understand their complaints about a situation of extreme violation of rights and reduction of social protection for the most vulnerable populations, with racialized women being the most affected. In our view, the possible (re) learnings are those that are in the collective work developed in networks that are networks of (re) learning about afro-existence. We align ourselves with their philosophies, considering that they suggest insurgency paths when presented as a block, offering an interpenetrated paradigmatic axis and harboring multiple meanings. They also reconnect us by alerting us to the risks of the master's tools and, therefore, redirecting us with their cutting edge community strategies and dynamics.

1 Translated by Thiago Alves Moreira. E-mail: thidmoreira@gmail.com

2Patrícia Hill Collins (2016) presents a thesis on the experience of black intellectuals, which she defines as outsiders within and, in this drawing, explored the forms of self-definition, self-assessment, the view on the interconnected nature of oppression and, finally, the importance African American women's culture. This drawing serves, therefore, to produce a black feminist thought, which reflects a specific look, in relation to the self, to the family and, also, to the society.

3Founder of Geledés - Instituto da Mulher Negra (1988), Sueli Carneiro is PhD in Education (USP) and one of the most important Afro-Brazilian thinkers.

4Speech by Sueli Carneiro in defense of racial quotas at the Supreme Federal Court (STF), in 2010.

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Received: July 08, 2020; Accepted: September 01, 2020

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