Org.: João dos Reis Silva Júnior, Deise Mancebo e João Ferreira de Oliveira

^{This dossier} is an initiative of the National Research Network Universitas/Br http://www.redeuniversitas.com.br/ and is made public in a context of many crises in Brazil and the world. The COrona VIrus Disease (COVID-19) pandemic has exposed how vulnerable any nation on Planet Earth is, regardless of its political form. However, each country's pandemic has been aggravated or controlled by its leaders, whose instructions are abstracted and reproduced by their people.

It is at this moment, of global health crisis, that the "masks" of the negationist political leaders fall while the masks of individual protection integrate the new face of the human being.

In Brazil, the many signs of negationism precede the pandemic and come mainly from political leaders, religious leaders, and digital influencers who have great reach in the various social media. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), 134,000 confirmed deaths by COVID-19 and more than 4 million confirmed cases in Brazil are expected at the time of production of this letter - half of September 2020. This number could be much smaller, but the contempt for human life is part of the modus operandi of the neo-conservative and ideologically reactionary government of Jair M. Bolsonaro.

Bolsonaro is the result of the amalgamation of Brazil's reforms and political crises in the last 30 years and the chaos that the Brazilian nation experiences in 2020 is the synthesis of the commercialization of human life, imposed by world capitalism through neoliberals. This process was put in place approximately half a century ago by the Master Plan for Reform of the State System (PDRAE), produced by the former Minister of State Administration and Reform Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira in the first half of the 1990s. This reform was the starting point for structural changes in the organization of the Brazilian state as we see today and is part of the transformation of world capitalism that at the end of the 1980s was seeking new modes of state regulation.

Given the above and to understand the present moment, a brief historical overview is needed, beginning in November 1989, a month in which Latin American liberal economists, officials of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank and the U.S. government met at the invitation of the Institute for International Economics, a private entity, to discuss economic measures that later unfolded in State Reforms in more than sixty countries. This meeting became known as the Washington Consensus, when the decline of the civilization process began to be accentuated through the transformation of citizens' human rights into merchandise in order to reduce the cost of living labor was derived. Brazil was not left out and through former President Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC) the logic of the Washington Consensus became an active practice of federal governments since 1995, intensified by Michel Temer (2016-2018) and Bolsonaro today.

Thus, since the 1990s, what has occurred in Brazil is the reduction of the public sphere and the increase to the maximum of the private sphere, a process that intends to increasingly commercialize the rights of citizens in order to maintain the logic of commercialization (the human estate). However, in 2008 another strong global economic crisis made this movement accentuate as a result of the search for financial capital for more ballast. This gave rise to a new regime of financial accumulation that demanded tougher reforms to further plunder the worker and science.

With Lula in the presidency and his fragments of social democracy, this would not be possible in Brazil. This fact explains the structural reason behind the 2016 coup and the present social and economic torment that marked the return of the growth of social inequality in Brazil. A factor that drives the new regime of financial predominance based on the social debt with the movement of reforms - cuts in scholarships and research funding at CAPES and CNPq, CLT (Labor Reform), Spending Roof, Pension Reform and the most recent, Administrative Reform and Tax Reform, both in progress.

This rights-destroying package needed a representative, someone who was very servile to the world's major corporations and who authoritatively rescued censorship against anyone who questioned such reforms and anti-people actions. From this movement, between political ruptures and crises, fertile ground for authoritarianism, Bolsonarism emerges, producing a marked reduction of human rights and in an undemocratic way propagates the negationism that ends in the worst social symbiosis of recent history in Brazil. On the other hand, Nature seems to take revenge on the capitalist civilizing process, producing objective conditions for the decline of health and sanitary conditions, PANDEMIC. Phase in which Brazilian science is denied by means of an intense reduction of investments since 2016. And, in a historic time of greater need to invest in the production of knowledge, for example, in the search for solutions such as the coronavirus vaccine, one of the guidelines Bolsonaro's government is the forgiveness of the churches' billionaire debt to the State.

However, we can change this reality. There is hope!

In the pandemic we must guide ourselves through the recommendations of the competent bodies such as the WHO and Brazilian civil society to resist attacks on democracy. This journal Revista Eletrônica de Educação (Electronic Education Journal) is an exemplary case, uniting productions of intellectuals from different areas of knowledge in order to rationalize the reality composed by crises. In this issue, we present great productions of the group of intellectuals from the Rede Universitas/Br and the Brazilian Society of Philosophy of Education (SOFIE) in the dossier Consequences of the Bolsonarism on human rights, higher education and scientific production in Brazil. Recommended readings to understand the contradictions of Brazil's recent history and strengthen the critical voice of a people increasingly violated by the inconsequent behavior of authoritarian and subservient political leaders of spoilers.

This dossier organized by João dos Reis Silva Júnior, Deise Mancebo, and João Ferreira de Oliveira contains articles that discuss and analyze the effects of Bolsonarism on Brazilian civil society facing deep social, economic and political crises in recent years that unfold directly in the production of science and citizens' rights. In this dossier, 20 texts treat through different perspectives how a totalitarian government returns to power by convincing a large part of the nation to support unpopular measures that directly affect them. In these productions we also observe the care taken with the history of authoritarian governments all over the planet and how Brazilian democracy is being attacked through reactionism. Systematic reaction that flirts with elements of nefarious phases of human history, fascism and Nazism.

Deise Mancebo, begins the dossier discussing in the article Pandemic and higher education in Brazil, the pandemic impacts of COVID-19 on Brazilian higher education in times of ultra-neoliberalism. Bruno Pucci, of the Brazilian Society of Philosophy of Education (SOFIE) through the text The Authoritarian Personality in Brazil in times of neoliberalism and Coronavirus analyzes the anti-democratic manifestations that are occurring in Brazil in the growing neoliberal ideal of Bolsonaro. João dos Reis and Everton Fargoni analyze the rupture of Brazilian political stability, the attacks on institutions, the economic crisis, and the politicization of science under ideological attack in the article Bolsonarism: Brazilian necropolitics as a pact between fascists and neoliberals.

Newton Duarte, Silvia dos Santos, and Elaine Duarte deal with the implications of Bolsonarism for the production and diffusion of knowledge in public institutions of higher education in production The obscurantism of Bolsonarism, neoliberalism, and academic productivism. Maria Rosimary, Ricardo Musse and Afrânio Catani examine the rise of the extreme right in the country in the article Deconstructing higher education, human rights and scientific production: the Bolsonarism in action. The author Luiz Roberto Gomes, a member of the Brazilian Society of Philosophy of Education (SOLFIE) and researcher of the Critical Theory and Education Group, addresses in the article Authoritarianism of multiple faces in Brazil: anti-Semitism, Bolsonarism and education the authoritarian behavior of Bolsonarism from the perspective of the Critical Theory of Society.

The authors Rhoberta de Araújo, Fabíola Kato, and Vera Jacob analyze the three versions of Future-se program in the article Future-se program and the dismantling of public funding and university autonomy. Monica Molina, Clarice dos Santos, and Márcia Brito in the article O Pronera and the production of knowledge in the Formation of Educators and Agrarian Sciences: theory and practice in the confrontation to the Bolsonarism, discords about the rights of the peasantry as target of attacks of the Bolsonarism and the attempts of destruction of the National Program of Education in the Agrarian Reform. Larissa Paulo and Gerson Fraga debate Jair Bolsonaro's discourses from the point of view of the production of otherness through the article The production of the enemy or destruction of otherness: an analysis of Jair Bolsonaro's discourses.

Rafael Siqueira and Cleber Braga through the article "My twitter, my rules": the guidelines of customs in Bolsonarism education, analyzes the shamelessness and customs of the former ministers of education of Bolsonaro. Alisson Sullivan and Francisco Vieira also analyze the discourses on the human sciences of the Bolsonarism through the Focaultian perspective in the text Speeches on the human sciences in Bolsonarism: from repetition to practice. Débora Boenavides discusses in the article The polysemy as an interpreter of the confrontation between social voices as the vocabulary of the social actors on the Bolsonarism polemizes political issues.

Authors Daniele Raic, Marilete Calegari and Socorro Pereira map the Brazilian neo-liberal scenario in the COVID-19 pandemic in the article The public university in neo-liberal and fascist scenarios: shambles of resistance during Covid-19. Celso Carvalho and José Eduardo de Oliveira analyze the theoretical-political foundations of the process of ascension, in Brazil, of forces called neoconservative, neoliberal, extreme right in the article The logic of financial capital and its educational expression: the Bolsonarism’s barbarity in action. Finally, Solange Pereira da Silva analyzes the narratives of the Bolsonaro government in times of public health crisis in the article Impacts of the Bolsonarism's Government in times of Coronavirus in Brazil. Vinício Carrilho Martinez in his text Fascism: the worst crime against democracy, talks about Bolsonarism and its characteristics in Italian Berlusconism and the fascist elements that compose it. Hellen Silva, Maura dos Anjos, Monica Molina and Salomão Hage describe the results of a research on Policies, Management and the Right to Higher Education in the article Training of Field Teachers in the face of the "New/old" policies implemented in Brazil: R Existence in debate. Alexsander and Edna Brennand produced the article the university and the production of knowledge about human rights violations, discussing the role of universities in the defense of life, democracy and the rule of law, and the role of science as a generator of spaces of resistance in daily life. The authors Marco Antônio, Marilsa Miranda, Crislaine Aparecida, and Italo Ariel discuss the relationship between the 1964 military civil coup, the educational reforms implemented in the period, and the Human Capital Theory, in the article Education and the military civil dictatorship: educational reforms and the theory of human capital (1964-85). Mariángela Nápoli and Judith Naidorf in the article Elinor Ostrom y sus aportes a la coproducción del conocimiento científico Ostrom's ideas about common goods (1990, 1996) that are recovered in order to analyze their contributions to the co-production of scientific knowledge.

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