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School culture in Brazilian school groups: what historiography says.
This article is the result of a study that included researching the history from the institutionalization to the destruction of Grupo Escolar Elizeu Campos in Mirandiba (Elizeu de Campos education group), a city in Pernambuco countryside. It was the first public school in the city lasting from 1930s until 1990 when the place was destroyed. Saviani (2007) suggests that “in order to historically rebuild Brazilian school institutions implies admitting the existence of these institutions that, at least its durable character, have a history that we not only want but need to know ”(p.24 ). The political and cultural scenario that received the institution was located in the period called “coronelista” in Mirandiba, which for Leal (2012) has a diversified characteristic considering the period.
[...] we conceive “coronelismo” as a result of the superposition of developed forms of the representative regime to an inadequate economic and social structure. It is not, therefore, a mere survival of the private power, whose hypertrophy was a typical phenomenon of our colonial history. It is rather a peculiar form of manifestation of private power [...] (LEAL, 2012, p.23)
Saying that, and understanding that the school culture comes from a government style, and it is not a given historical fact, being by itself able to place many different meaning, we mapped the sense of school culture by many authors in order to access the school culture of Mirandiba. We have researched for studies that dealt more strongly with school institutionalization in its cultural forms, and we found in Saviani (2007) a set of knowledge about the institutional culture of schools at the national level.
As Elizeu Campos School Group is an institution from the hinterland , especially from a rural district , we consider it important to quote what some authors say about the school groups implementation in Brazilian rural areas. We can mention Sizenando Costa as one of the main authors on the subject, being a source for several researchers on the rural school field. In 1941 he wrote the book “A Escola Rural” (the rural school), which deals with the implementation of rural schools as an economic and social factor.
We can also quote Pinheiro[3] which discusses rural schools in Paraíba, between 1935 and 1960, which used as a source of investigation the messages from the Republic former presidents to the national congress as well as reports on the institutions, their peculiarities and speeches, establishing a vast content about rural schooling in Brazil.
Saviani (2007) points out the origin of the school from the power of a dominant class over another dominated one, determining and distinguishing what each social class would have for institutional education. “The education of the class members who has availability , leisure and free time starts to be organized in the school form, in contrast to the education of the majority that keeps coinciding with the work process” (p.9). The referred author deal with school institutionalization from two different points of view, the first an empirical way and the other “by synthesis way”, where the first is directed for the dominant class , and the second for the dominated class.
Castanho (2007) understands school culture as a “phenomenon of the institutionalization of education and also as a school centrality in the cultural sphere, that is, in the cultural consequences of the school, [which] was decisively established in the country. And this, as we have seen, at all levels and modalities of education ”(p.51)
Sanfelice (2007) approaches culture for unique identity issues, stating that “the population's relations with school institutions generate unforeseen situations and that change, locally, official plans or guidelines of an educational policy. Therefore, there is always an identity ”(p.79). He adds that it is up to the historian seeking to understand which identity the studied place reveals.
At this sense, and still considering aspects of what constitutes institutionalized educational culture, we find in Araújo (2007) an understanding “in the field of intentionality that guide educational activities; where it is necessary to understand that the so-called school culture - is, dialectically, an affluent as well as a unafluent , of the culture itself and not just a source of the culture nourishment ”(p.95 ). The researcher's job is up to seek the cultural source, explore it and understand it.
This is what Monarcha (2007) did. The author highlights that “throughout 1930 and 1940 [I emerged] a combination of factors [that] greatly favored the emergence of a doubly sociological and historical awareness of the country's cultural and educational past” (p .129), which instilled in the educational cultural atmosphere a need for communication and transmission of this culture.
This transmission of educational and school culture was mainly due to the modernizing character observed in educational institutions, strongly in school groups, since their architecture is the object of studies from North to South of Brazil. Buffa (2007) analyzes the fact that every space is able for teaching, since the educational scope is anywhere learning takes place. However, he points out that “a school is much more than that, and the school building can facilitate or retard learning, interaction and the development of students. Therefore, spaces educate and nobody confuses being able to communicate with the language knowledgement ”(p.157).
As well as the architecture of educational institutions is not only studied by architects, historiography can be a methodology used by researchers from various fields, not only historians, since the historiography is:
Noronha (2007) made the methodological debate about the writing history concerning school institutions. The author synthesizes a criticism in the face of the gaps left by traditional history, giving rise to an investigation through what has not yet been asked, therefore, not answered.
Such yearning generated the need for criticism and reconstruction through studies generated in scientific journals, since such references are little analyzed. But, still around the educational culture, we observe the concern to understand the Brazilian culture intertwined with the cultures of immigrants in Brazil.
Immigration occurred for economic strengthening in the country, however, the Brazilian educational culture did not cover the entire national territory, leaving a gap for opposing forces in the face of homogeneous education. Luporini (2007) shed light on the investigation of alternatives to think about educational cultural identity.
The modes treated by the aforementioned author revolve around “common historical experiences and shared cultural codes that provide frames of reference and meaning, and critical points of profound difference - ruptures and discontinuities that constitute the singularities of different social groups” (LUPORINI, 2007. p. 210).
The cultural similarities and disparities together with the political transition, made Brazilian education the stage for disputes, where the political scenario was and still is the main target to be reached, since management is the height of social control in the positivist republican hierarchy.
The School Group Elizeu Campos:rebuilding its walls
Interviews with students, former employees, and analysis of private documents were conducted in order to rebuild School Elizeu Campos Group history, since there is no record about the existence of the institution neither in the managements and city education departments nor in the surrounding municipalities.
According to Dona Neném de Talí , Elizeu Campos` first school cook , 1934 was the inauguration year of the Elizeu Campos School Group, its construction and adaptation occurred through negotiations between Captain Elizeu with Deputy Agamenon Magalhães, however, there are no records in official documents that confirms the group's existence .
In the process of documentary capture for this research, an interesting and somewhat worrying factor was revealed in front of the importance given to the groups and students documents from hinterland. The fact is that there were no documents that proved the existence of the Grupo Escolar Elizeu Campos in any analyzed public institutions.
Without many clues to its existence, whether in the form of an institutional transfer order or a change in nomenclature, as occurred with other institutions, it was understood that the Elizeu Campos School Group in reality never existed under the law, as if its institutionalization were clandestine and arbitrary.
Were it not for the report of a former student, the account of former teacher Valquíria Gomes Vieira and former students João Batista Rodrigues dos Santos - known as Pitel and Nelson Pereira de Carvalho, it would not be possible to historicize the pedagogical practices of the first public institution of teaching in Mirandiba.
It is known that the Grupo Escolar Elizeu Campos transferred its activities to Francisco Pires State School, about the 1970s, we have researched in the Regional Education Management of Sertão Central - GRE, in the planning sector more specifically, for some record of this transfer.
The planning sector of GRE do Sertão Central (hinterland) has documentation from many groups and school children, but it does not have any documentation bearing the name of Grupo Escolar Elizeu Campos. It even holds documents describing the Francisco Pires State School as the first public educational institution in Mirandiba.
In a visit to the Francisco Pires School, we were informed that all the old documentation that existed in the school's archive had been incinerated in previous administrations. The reason given for the practice was justified as usual, as the institution's file is small and does not support all the documents related to the literacy of Mirandibenses.
This article is, therefore, a document that gathers information about the genesis of education in Mirandiba. Recalling that other researchers have already investigated the social practices of the city through biological (CÓRDULA, 2008), geographic (PAOLIELLO, 2010) and ethnographic (FAURE, 2015) views, enriching the theoretical framework of this study .
The image above, acquired by a donation in an informal conversation with Mabel Solange, is a photograph from the 1960s, the place where the group worked, was on top of a hill from which the entire center of Mirandiba could be seen. Nearby the school there were a vegetable garden and a well.
Both the vegetable garden and the well were taken care by the students and the school's lunch cook, but not everyone was responsible for these tasks. The selection was made according to the student's dedication to classroom matters, as the former teacher Valquíria recalls. “All the teachers complained because they couldn't leave the homogeneous classroom, but I did, every student of mine learned the same, those who didn't learn in the classroom, learned in the garden, filling the well, but learned” (VALQUÍRIA, 2016).
The pedagogical methods, according to the former teacher, were based on intuition, on the discovery of the new, but in practice it was necessary to give importance to the student's work , for example we have Porcel's thesis (2006) that values the role that work has in childhood . She recalls that each student had his role in the classroom, the duties were as inspector, blackboard eraser, janitor, water pot supplier, among other extra-class tasks, such as taking care of the yard, taking water from the well and taking care of the vegetable garden
In this method, punishments are not included, according to the three interviewees, being two students and one former professor , in their memories there were no remembrance of punishments on any student, however the word rigidity appears in the teaching method when the question made to her was: How was the daylight routine of the education group? The answer was the same: “Rigid!” The rigidity to which the interviewees referred was linked to the discipline required in the classroom.
According to Vilela (2000) the primary teaching symbol of the education groups in Brazil involved a military hardness. The inhabitants of Mirandiba and students of the Grupo Escolar Elizeu Campos followed the military method, but did not acquire some modernizing tools that attached militarism in schools , as there was a press, for example, used by other groups and schoolchildren.
The chances of acquired some world knowledge was denied to Mirandiba people by isolating them and the lack of access to both press and radio communication. Thus the Grupo Escolar Elizeu Campos, was responsible not only for the primary education of the citizens, as well as the main information channel for the citizens. The role of the press in the spreading of civilizing ideals and the lack of access to it affirms the incompleteness of republican project within Education group Elizeu Campos installation in Mirandiba.
This lack in the flow of information and of access to communication, together with military rigidity, made the education of Mirandiba people unnecessary for good interpersonal interaction, and consequently did not encourage every citizen to obtain school knowledge. Being necessary for those who could leave the city, where school knowledge was extremely important for survival. This biased point of view, focused on what would be the number one problem of the Grupo Escolar Elizeu Campos is based on the fact that the lack of communication and information is a problem in any community.
In the field of culture, more specifically rural culture, valid education for a good relationship with the community is linked to their daily job. Knowing how to cultivate and manage the subsistence culture is essential for rural life. This knowledge was linked to the Grupo Escolar Elizeu Campos, as an escape valve for exercises in the classroom. It was observed through the interviews that the punishment and the award to the student were linked to their representation in the classroom, a role that each one was obliged to play. From the management to carrying the well water, each one would have to meet their own path on that journey.
Knowing their own place and playing their own role is a matter of the subject's identity field as a symbol, the phenomenology of education tries to explain by a comprehensive dimension of human manifestation, that the symbol subject is translated into the dialectic of the topic and utopian (REZENDE, 1990).
In the photo there is a part of the teachers representation in the municipality of Mirandiba, in which Professor Valquíria was part (highlighted). Note the use of uniforms and standardization, including the teachers appearance, highlighting the initiative of standardization existing in groups and school children.
The movement of teachers in the 1970s in Mirandiba involved another educational institution, the Francisco Pires School Group, founded in 1969 through the mayor at the time, Francisco Alves de Carvalho Nunes, also known as Chico do Arroz. The new education group was named after the father of the then mayor.
With the new institution in operation, with the characteristics of an urban and modern school proposed by groups and school children republicans (SAVIANI, 2007), the city's teachers began to aspire to be part of the renewed style to which the group presented itself. Francisco Pires School.
In 1970, teachers and students in the city decided to abandon the Grupo Escolar Elizeu Campos, listing the Grupo Escolar Francisco Pires as a reference in public education in Mirandiba. Feature legitimized by the educational and political plan of the city that raised the education group the Reference School in School Francisco Pires in the run up until today.
The historiography regarding school groups that did not receive the republican project in its entirety (industry, education and press) is in the field of Rural school groups. These institutions are remembered in historiography as an aid to immigrants, who faced several difficulties, from architecture to the lack of students.
The diffusion of primary education in rural areas faced several problems of a pedagogical and administrative nature, such as the lack of provision of teachers for the schools created, the precariousness of the schools' operating places, the conditions of organization of the isolated schools, the low frequency of the schools. students and school dropout due to work in the fields (SOUZA, RF, 2014. p. 15).
Understanding the peculiarities or problems relating to school rural groups asSouza, RF (2014) says, the incompleteness of the republican project in some groups is highlighted . It is correct to say that the problems of the institution of groups and students presented themselves in different ways depending on the context in which they were installed.
The pedagogical method of republican requirements was also not strictly followed, since educational problems are in the most varied spheres of school culture. In view of this, the search for understanding the pedagogical method practiced in the Grupo Escolar Elizeu Campos and its disparities arises.
Characters from the Elizeu Campos school group
Have serial education and task divisions as a prize or punishment made part of the Grupo Escolar Elizeu de Campos’ students humanization? Rezende (1990) argues that humanization starts through historically possible learning. Overlapping “the beginning of humanization, history, culture and learning” (p. 47), as parts of a grouped and indivisible block.
Taking into account that learning is not only within the walls of schools, another question arises: how does the lack of communication and information between members of a community and with the outside world affect the quality of life? We agree with Rezende:
It is true that man can be trained, trained, trained, domesticated. But this is not learning, or at least it is not human learning. On the contrary, both psychologically and sociologically, when this happens, we witness a process of regression, as a factor of dehumanization and alienation (REZENDE, 1990. p.48).
Regarding that positivist teaching methods are retrograde, but, assuming that some pedagogical methodologies are not humanized, we have searched in the memories that revealed which symbolic representation the group and teaching method had in the human formation of the Mirandibense people.
The choice of student is justified by some aspects, Nelson Pereira de Carvalho and João Batista Rodrigues dos Santos (aka Pitel ) , claim to have studied at the same time between 1960 and 1969, both are not sure how many years they have spent at the institution, but they do know that they finished primary school there at Grupo Escolar Elizeu Campos and studied with then teacher Valquíria.
The former teacher and students also have not kept documents from the group, unlike what happened with the Francisco Pires School Group, which still has much of its memories exposed in a pedagogical plan easily found on the internet.
The influence suffered by the Grupo Escolar Elizeu Campos was very positive for former student Nelson Pereira de Carvalho, he revealed: - “I learned to be organized and punctual, keep my nails short and clean. Whenever a student did not answer the tasks correctly, he was invited to work in the vegetable garden during recess”.
It was noted that although teacher Valquiria does not remember the particularities of each students, they do remember her methodological rigidity, which encouraged them to always answer everything correctly.
João Batista Rodrigues dos Santos, the Pitel , 62, was part of this intercultural contradiction between urban and rural. He does not remember having done manual labor as a punishment. “As soon as I got to the first grade, I spent a little time, a few months only, before I finished the year I was advanced to the third year, there were only me and two more students, when the group's studies ended, I passed the test for the high school and went to study abroad ”(PITEL, 2016).
Nelson Pereira , 60, a dentist, was once the mayor of the city and a state deputy , and remembers his friend Pitel : - “he was more advanced than I was, I remember the friendship, that freedom environment, a modernized school, the lunches, made by Dona Neném was great, a tough and rigid school, the principal was Dona Lilia, from the big house”(NELSON, 2016).
In addition to the lunch, Nelson also recalls that it was a joyful place, “the moments with my classmates Antônio Torres, Assis, who are also ex-mayors here, were wonderful to learn from Dona Valquíria, everyone has studied in that group . And suddenly it was crumbled in order to to build the forum on that same place, as the history and heritage of the town did not matter a” (NELSON, 2016).
Pitel also expressed regret when he remembered the Grupo Escolar Elizeu Campos. “I really liked that school, I was even sad when I returned to the city about 20 years later they had demolished everything. Really sad". After stating that he was sorry for the end of the Grupo Escolar Elizeu campos, Pitel paused with his head down.
As another education group was established in the city and due to the fact that, traditionally, the mayors do not continue the work of the old managers in Mirandiba (SOUZA, T., 2013), it became clear that despite the city's management being done by members of the same family until today, does not mean that they are united for the same social purpose.
Within the educational sphere, coexistence policies were imposed by authority and imposition, as well as in the relationship between citizens. Nelson remembers some punishments as a form of imposition. “The teaching was rigid, with the rigor of beating on students’ hands, but many schools were like that. I have lived the end of those punishments, I don't remember prizes, but I also didn't get good grades”(NELSON, 2016).
After this statement Nelson laughs a lot. His friend Pitel, when asked about the imposition and punishments, does not remember such an attitude towards him, but he points out that some manual works performed by him, such as carpentry, were to build things for his benefit, such as wooden carts and trucks.
In Pitel's opinion, the Grupo Escolar Elizeu Campos represented something sublime and splendid.
It was wonderful, Portuguese, mathematics, geography and science, there was a civic parade and the direction of the school and everything was very strict, but I participated in the civic parades, I was part of the martial band playing the bass drum, me and my two classmates we did handicraft work, carts, boats, carpentry work, everything for us, students like me were always in the minority (PITEL, 2016).
Like Nelson, Pitel recall the festivals held in the group, "Mother's Day was celebrated, Brazilian Independence Day , it was all well celebrated and very beautiful" (PITEL, 2016). Increasing the sound of the voice and exalting the group, Pitel demonstrate proud to have studied in the group, but do not remember his participation in the graduation. Nor does he have photos or records to prove his example student speech.
Pitel , with his head down one more time, recalls and almost whispering says - every resident here with or about my age who has some knowledge , learned in the School Group Elizeu Campos and all the registrations of it vanished, any files has left, nothing, nothing, nothing. ”He continues,“ we received the newsletters and everything , but we had to leave it at the secretary, this school existed. The tasks, we took them out of books and we must memorized everything, we had to say everything we learned”(PITEL, 2016).
The lessons of things taught by Dona Valquíria were passed on at home, Nelson and Pitel counted on the mothers' help to decorate everything, as Pitel even remembers: “My mother and father were from the countryside, but they knew a little and used to help me with my homework. I was really brilliant in mathematics and that is why I advanced straight to the third grade”(PITEL, 2016).
A member of a class with only three students and living in Posses, a farm 12 kilometers away from the Grupo Escolar Elizeu Campos, Pitel does not remember missing classes, unlike Nelson who always traveled with his father. In fact, attendance and participation in the festivities was the student's obligation, as stated in ordinance no. 708, of December 27, 1943 of the Ministry of Agriculture.
Pitel also recalls that at that time it was very difficult to leave primary school and go to the high school, and who finished primary school was very respected, because according to him, “it was already a lot” . To go to college was very difficult, almost impossible and he finished his high school working at Chesf in Paulo Afonso (BA).
In the memoirs of former students and ex-teacher, the figure of the inspector or doctors does not appear in the staff, not following what the updated and traditional historiography says about the important role of these professionals in completing the educational proposal of groups and schoolchildren. in Brazil.
The magnificence of the groups described as a conditioning factor of modern, the architecture of the institutions also does not appear in the memories analyzed here, the structure adapted to the context of Mirandiba makes clear the effort to follow the traditions of the Southeast in a mutable and intercultural way.
The differences established by the political, historical, geographical and cultural context are also in the paths followed by the students. Nelson, after finishing elementary school at Grupo Escolar Elizeu Campos, has studied his high school in Recife and has graduated in Minas Gerais. He returned to Mirandiba and got involved with the city's political field in the 1990s.
Pitel returned to the city in 1980, an employee of Chesf, entered the city political field only when Nelson was mayor, in 1990, the first black manager inviting to municipal public administration. Currently, Pitel is an official in a commissioned position in Mirandiba city, assigned to the Historical Patrimony Department.
Source: Respectively, photo taken from the internet and photo taken by the researcher
Images 3/4 Nelson Pereira de Carvalho on the left and João Batista Rodrigues dos Santos - Pitel
With Nelson Pereira, the interview was held in his office where he works as a dentist, the meeting was by chance, nothing previously agreed. He was helpful and cordial in giving away his memories. With João Batista ( Pitel ) the interview was previously scheduled and held at his workplace in the city hall, his memories exposed in more detail inclined this research to a uncolonial atmosphere of knowledge (PETERS, SCHNORR & TAUSCHECK, 2014).
The questions made to the former students were the same, which are the most joyful and saddest memories, what have they learned, how have they learned , what was the activities during their break, which extracurricular activities they have performed , how was they treated, who were their classmates, what was modern, how was the inspection, cleaning and relationship with the teacher. The issue of hygiene was pending, since according to the former students and teacher this topic was not approached.
Differently of the others school installations in Pernambuco state, the hygienists measures were not found in enrollment or annual inspection of the School Elizeu Campos Group. But if we understand hygiene as a social medicine that was implemented because of the relationship between Brazilians and foreigners, it is not strange that it did not happen in Mirandiba, since the city, even with the installation of industries, did not receive immigrants for labor, but cabras (white poor people) and quilombolas (black people who fled from slavery and formed their own cities called quilombos) .
Even though they had the same nationality as quilombolas, cabras and whites, they had no physical relationships or contacts among them in Mirandiba, this approach have in fact started after Nelson Pereira's mandate in the 1990s (FAURE, 2015). Therefore, hygienic measures were not necessary . Not because it is a rural context, but because Mirandiba has separatist characteristics. Which directs the research to a deeper educational aspect.
The order and progress as Republican principles, along with the patriotic civic nature and media passed on to students made the educational project , example of unity and national strength preparing to urbanization and modernization of where they would settle.
However, the city of Mirandiba when it received the first public educational institution, used to have the colonialist context of social development as a bottom for itself. Based on land acquisition and ownership by quilombolas and cabras, since whites were the official owners (SOUZA, T., 2013).
Always late comparing the entire civilization, Mirandiba instigates for an investigation that takes place in the relationship between the exercise of colonial power and the school knowledge instituted , as did the authors Peters , Schnorr and Tauscheck ( 2014) when understanding in a municipality for the control and possession of land, disregarding what the media discourse says and going deeply into the “historical reconstruction of territoriality, identities, memories, belongings promoting decolonial and intercultural practices in the sense of breaking with the maintenance of domination forms”. (p.245)
The domination forms proposed by the authors are from the cultural, political, economic and epistemic fields. All of them are largely massed when disseminated by the media, the proposal to reconstruct the history of Grupo Escolar Elizeu Campos without media support only confirms the need for an intercultural philosophical method.
The intercultural is the voice, the memories and the strength to believe "that the world can not be reduced to market" (PETERS, SCHNORR & TAUSCHECK, 2014, p.246). It is about taking a stand against the biographical illiteracy of the community in question and recovering plural histories and contexts by practicing intercultural in short as a decolonial exercise
Regarding the educational and intercultural formation of Mirandiba people found in city’s modernization and urbanization processes, we come across a human formation in the face of globalization, economic, technological and world industrialization processes (RÖHR, 2014).
By eliminating printed media as a research source, the foundation that supports the established symbols of Brazilian republic is consequently erased. The lack of communication means in Mirandiba obliges us to face philosophical education aspects of man and his humanization process.
Based on the cultural diversity inherent in societies and their diverse worldview, we searched the memories of former teacher Valquíria Gomes Vieira, how the lessons of things were understood and passed on in the Grupo Escolar Elizeu Campos, and what aspects have the consequences suffered in this educational process. In order to we understand, Valquira begins by telling us about her path through human formation.
I was from the countryside, my parents did not have studied and I was the first person in the family to graduate. I spent a lot of time, I don't know how long, but I spent many years teaching on the farms. In the fields, there wasn't even a proper classroom, the boys had to take their stools to support the notebook, and they sat on the floor.
It was a pleasure to teach those boys of that time (1950-1970), there was no student of mine who did not learn. I was tough, but we respected each other.
It was only a book approaching the of Portuguese, mathematics, geography and science subjects, one book for each year. When I finished the lessons in the first book, I advanced the boys in the grade, and I was the only teacher from Mirandiba who managed to homogenize a class. Every teacher and teacher complained, but I understood each one and their way of learning.
You see, the boys from the country did not learn less than those from the center, even with limited material I was able to teach because I also learned. I don't know, the children of that time were more interested, today in a class you might find only one or two who really want to learn.
In the past, no, I noticed the interest and put everyone to do something, and they wanted adult responsibility, they wanted to erase the painting, they wanted to be the inspector of the week, they liked to watch each other. They were alone and there was no mess, because there was a time when I taught the first and third grades all gathering together.
What I like to remember most is the school group's coffee-break , which could be seven o'clock in the morning, but the coffee break was lunch, that was made with cow's milk, all donated by the students' parents, the majors did not provide their lunch at that time. And only the ones who has taught in the countryside was allowed to teach in the center of Mirandiba.
When I managed to teach only at the center in the School Group, a short time later they built the other Group. Every teacher wanted to go to the new one, it was bigger and fresher.
At the Elizeu Group there was no inspection, the director Dona Lilia (Maria do Desterro Carvalho Torres) who was in charge of everything, was the daughter of Captain Elizeu. She was also a teacher, before giving private lessons (VALQUÍRIA, 2016).
This testimonial from the interview with Dona Valquíria summarizes her methods, where the orders came from, what it was like to be a teacher in Mirandiba in the 1960s . It is clear that her teaching methods were mixed or multiple. Not only based on the intuitive method, but also with traditional characteristics rooted in the technique of repetition as ordered by booklets or books.
She did not keep materials from her teaching days, but precisely the lack of these materials influenced Dona Valquíria's own style. Her humble family base and her position as a teacher was different from other women in the same social situation. Most of the teachers in Mirandiba are from the city's patriarchal family to the present day.
Returning to the intuitive method, it appears in the historiography about groups and schoolchildren that such a methodology, with the aid of certain pedagogical materials that accompanied the active principle of things, served as the teacher's educator. This statement is due to the fact that along with the methodological change in teaching, there has been a change in the way of doing politics throughout Brazil. (RESENDE, 2002).
The idea was that reason should place itself above faith, this positivist primacy introduced the modernity character of into groups and schools, making retrograde all efforts previously practiced, including the effort of the church (RESENDE, 2002).
It remains to understand that Mirandiba did not follow the educational standards of other towns, and that the differences were strikingly present. What set the rule from practice paired attention of Resende research (2002).
These changes [of a political nature in education] were significant and did not occur without tension, whose stage was, initially, the big cities. Prostitutes, beggars, abandoned children could not be part of the daily life of republican cities that would be adorned by new procedures and attitudes (Ibidem. P.72).
The first evidence of the field of differences between Mirandiba and other municipalities that received groups and schoolchildren is the fact that the city in question is not a large city, and as a result of its geographic smallness before the country's capitals, prostitutes, beggars and abandoned children did not exist in large numbers, so they do not appear in the analyzed memories.
However, even in a firing situation, Mirandiba and the Grupo Escolar Elizeu Campos were the scene of human transformations, in which this article focuses, and such mutations occurred inter culturally .
[...] the methodological innovations in education were products and producers of changes in ways of thinking, in attitudes towards the nation and to individual movements themselves, in short, significant changes in relation to all aspects of life of citizens. Innovations in education, including new teaching-learning methods, including the intuitive method, were also instruments for these changes (RESENDE, 2002. p. 73).
The intercultural is the individual movements in relation to the man and citizens formation. The ambivalence of the intercultural though is in the field of equalities and differences inherent to communities. The diversity of world views infected by the cultural industry, tends to level or equalize the subjects (RÖHR, 2014).
Final considerations
The leveling or equality of the subjects does not mean the union of the same, and without the injection of the cultural industry in Mirandiba it is possible to affirm that the differences and equalities of the worldview of Mirandibenses were reflections of the education and the existing political game. Far from media and communication, the education group and town management was in charge of take the ideological dispute .
Mirandiba suffered from apartheid between 1930 and 1990, the separation of citizens outside the education group was common and was part of an authoritarian worldview (SOUZA, T., 2013). The Elizeu Campos School Group, preached a conciliatory worldview to what governed the rules practiced by the colonels, opening the way for confrontation in the community.
The educational or pedagogical effort of the Grupo Escolar Elizeu Campos showed itself through the memories of a strong community apparatus, capable of bringing together the participating groups in the city, giving them access to the training forces that are charged with activating a commitment to reality, giving account of the otherness and fulfilling the central objective of a community .
The human formation initiated by the pedagogical worldview fed by the school community functioned as the fuel of the Mirandiban people, because they appropriated this conciliatory vision. Some students appropriated themselves in such a way that they became mayors. It can be said, however, that some worldviews could be considered selfish.
But its selfish views did not prevent what some call a catastrophe (RÖHR , 2014 ), it is said that such catastrophe was above all a political - moral revolution of great importance for the Mirandiba people, when former student Nelson Pereira de Carvalho appropriated fact of the conciliative vision proposed by the Grupo Escolar Elizeu Campos, and gathered forces to take over the management of the town.
Nelson, in the 1990s, instituted technical courses and cooperatives from agriculture to Electrical Engineering in Mirandiba, gave more information to the city, giving a different meaning to the local workforce, used work as a bridge for humanization, legitimizing the meaning that Grupo Escolar Elizeu Campos had in its human formation, passing this sense to Mirandiba in its broader space.
Access to information and social communication that started to exist in Mirandiba in 1990 is what concludes the hypothesis of this study, that the lack of these social mechanisms, or the media monopoly, influence the community differently, in the first case the lack of information exiles the community on a kind of island where the local culture becomes the main educator.
On the other hand, the media monopoly throws a cosmopolitan atmosphere over the community where it is taught that the citizen's purchasing power is an important human search. Both contexts have their pros and cons, but decidedly "social communication is essential for the development of human capabilities, for intellectual autonomy and for critical awareness in the face of arbitrary and leveling social forces" (ÉTICA ..., 2017. p. 03), with public authorities having the obligation to promote and support dialogue regarding the main spheres of intellectuality.
It is a statement of the communication importance for education and civilization of a people. From cultural exile to the globalization trend, a network is needed to connect the micro to the macro, this network is the communication present in technological social media and in the human biological connection, the use of this empirical tool shapes social interaction and rebuilds the walls of a history.
