Introduction

The studies on educational culture allude to the apprehension of subjects concerning the internalization of behavior, be it through shared habits, curricular normalizations, practices and experiences in specific educational time and spaces. In this sense, this research aimed to analyze daily actions in the educational environment, taking into account new manners of organizing the educational place and time in the first decades of Brazilian scholarly groups, emphasizing the Senador Correia Scholarly Group, in Ponta Grossa, Paraná. Based especially on Educational History studies, it was aimed to identify clues about the formation of the educational culture and the educational tools of the aforementioned group. The research was founded on a documentary nature, considering the educational worksheets from 1912 to 1930, which made it possible to comprehend the cultural formation starting from the educational environment (^{SOLOMON, 2017}).

In the First Republic, since the first edifications of scholarly groups, in the end of the 19th century, it is possible to indicate the Republican State intentions in redimensioning the aims for the public instruction. It is in this direction the historical educational literature points to the idealization of scholarly groups as models of primary education in Brazil. In Paraná, some provincial towns would receive facility initiatives from scholarly groups in the beginning of the 20th century. Ponta Grossa was distinguished in the political and economical occurrences. Its geographical rail junction constitution would foster interchange with Curitiba and São Paulo, becoming a connection between provincial towns to Paraná’s portuary coasts, such as Paranaguá and Antonina. In a context of the mate herb economical and political peak, the first decades of the 20th century are representative in the urbanization of some Paraná cities, such as Curitiba and Ponta Grossa, in which the population and the socio economic growth were stood out along with, notably, the symbolic, identitarian and cultural production (^{WEBER, 2008}). It is in this context the first Ponta Grossa’s scholarly group emerged, among a national and regional educational implementations, which brought along an innovative and monumentality character (^{FARIA FILHO; VIDAL, 2000}).

It was aimed, in a first moment, to articulate the exposition on the distinct grades records, which cannot be understood merely as evaluative processes, but as educational culture revealers which would bring to light during the evaluative grades distinctive act. Likewise, when regarding the rules and the behavioral standardization, analyzing some utmost aspects which pervaded the practices and the educative processes in Senador Correia Scholarly Group. Furthermore, elements concerning the educational material have also been identified and, therefore, the social and the historical dimension inherent to the material and pedagogical context conditions.

The distinct grades records and the delineations of an educational culture

In its official opening, in 1912, we find the Senador Correia School Group’s opening term, signed by the principal Luzia Fernandes², who claims:

On the 18th day of May 1912, some students were present to be enrolled, I established the promiscuous school of this city to which I was removed by decree of the Honorable Doctor President of the State, Carlos Cavalcanti de Albuquerque, and the School Inspector of this city, Doctor Manoel de Oliveira Franco and all this for the record at all times I drew up the present worksheets which I will now sign (SENADOR CORREIA, 1912, p. 16)

In the physical structure, the group had five classrooms, an office for the principal and a small room that was used for other daily school activities (^{LUPORINI, 1987}, p. 23). Although it may be considered small, the construction followed the models of the first scholarly groups implemented in the city of Rio de Janeiro, then Distrito Federal and São Paulo. Since the beginning of the First Republic, educators and architects thought about the creation of school groups as spaces suited to the sanitary and hygienic precepts of the first half of the 20th century, from the size of the school building, divisions, shared spaces and circulation spaces. Its U-shaped architecture provided the board with an overview of the school space: at the entrance, a centralized door with a staircase, rooms with air and light entrances through several large glass windows in an arched format, patio and garden, bordered with ornaments and pediments, sophisticated workmanship. The building of the school group should illustrate grandiosity, while demonstrating progress and educational modernity. In Ponta Grossa, it constituted a landmark for the inclusion of free public education in a duly appropriate space.

This type of spatial organization came to collaborate with the inspection process of school activities: the intonation of the voice, the organization of the classroom, the disciplinary action, the systematization of the pedagogical activities, the concern in not having idle time. These elements were perceived in several of the worksheets and notices consulted as delineators of a school culture, but especially for intertwining with the school materiality itself. That is, the creation of school groups corresponded to a new model of building, administrative and pedagogical organization (^{SOUZA, 1998}; ^{FARIA FILHO, 2000}; ^{BENCOSTTA, 2001}) and which, as Faria Filho (2002, p. 24) points out, conceived school as an “institution capable not only of instructing and educating children and youth, but of producing an orderly, progressive and civilized country”. In this direction, it is also important to stress what ^{Veiga (1997}) points out about the consequences of the civilizing process precisely because of the permanence of school formats, associated with the monopolization of elementary knowledge by the State. The issue of building space at Senador Correia Scholarly Group was duly recorded in the worksheets, claiming that it was not enough to accommodate the number of students enrolled - even though the percentage of attendance shows problems of school attendance, as was a constant in the first decades of the twentieth century. A year after its inauguration, the inspector thus recorded:

Today I have visited the school ran by the teacher Luzia Fernandes. There were 50 students present, with the enrollment of 70 altogether. We checked the conditions of the school furniture and also provided the school with sufficient and better enrollments. I have found cleanliness and order (SENADOR CORREIA, 1913, p. 11).

For Viñao Frago (1995), school culture is defined by a set of institutionalized aspects, which include, for instance, practices, conduct, habits and rituals. As well as by elements intrinsic to the materiality of the school routine. The school culture of the Senador Correia School Group was also permeated by aspects that make up the school material culture. ^{Ciavatta (2009}, p. 39) understands that school material culture permeates the implication of a “social relationship” with “materiality” and the “symbolic”, and with the meanings of this relationship in present objects, or even, one can say, by the absence of these in the lack of adequate accommodation and/or furniture.

The temporal delimitation of this study starts in the year of 1912, the year of the creation of the Senador Correia Scholarly Group, up to 1930. Even though the time frame of the end of the First Republic (1889-1930) is evident, the choice of this delimitation had as its main reason the form of school registration in the worksheets consulted, since, after the delimited period, the notes in the referred worksheets to almost exclusively to records of results and/or quantification of assessments of classes and enrolled students. One of the hypotheses suggested for such a change of habit in the records of the worksheets concerns the conflicting political context experienced from 1930 onwards, during the Vargas Era (1930-1945), taking into account changes in the educational legislation and new normative implementations from the ministry ran by Francisco Campos (1891-1968). However, the records from 1912 to 1930 made it possible to identify traits of the developing school culture, either through the school writing manner so that prescriptions, regulations and regulations were fulfilled, or through the discipline and silence required, perceptible in the act of self-registration and which constituted a way of memorializing actions of the school routine itself.

The act of registering in the worksheets of daily school activities made it possible to identify some characteristics present in the daily school life of Grupo Escolar Senador Correia. It is a picture, therefore, of the analysis of the school space, pedagogical activities, practices, school routine, attendance, punishments, meetings, tests by grade, among other elements, which allows to trace a mapping of the components constituents of the school institution brought to light. In other words, the practice of registering the school routine in worksheets actually ended up making the inspector’s work feasible and, consequently, whether the directors ensured the proper organization of the school group or not. With regard to the recording of test results by grade, the emphasis given to the work of the teachers³ is significant, which was even highlighted in records of opening and closing terms of worksheets, denoting an organizational purpose, demonstrable to the General State Inspectorate in their regular visits. It should be noted that it is precisely from these directions that the outline of a school culture was perceived.

The records in the consulted worksheets refer to the distinction tests by grade, as well as the exams that preceded it, which were divided into final, partial and class exams. ^{Luporini (1987}, p. 57) states that,

occurred in November, were presided over by the School Inspector, who scheduled in advance, appointing an examining committee composed of two suitable people. The tests were oral and written. In schools for the female and promiscuous sex, an examiner of needlework and household items was part of the commission.

It should be perceived the aforementioned author was based on the 1901’s Regulation of Public Instruction of Paraná's State⁴, in which the teaching offered by Grupo Escolar Senador Correia followed these determinations, as stated in the aforementioned Regulation (1901, p. 97-98):

50th. Article. Students enrolled in primary schools will be subject to the following penalties, the application of which will be determined by the prudent discretion of the teachers, according to the seriousness of the faults, after the persuasive means that must always precede any penalty are recognized as unprofitable:

a) private admonition;

b) bad grades of the fortnightly bulletins, which teachers should send to parents, tutors, trustees, etc.

c) class reprimand;

d) seclusion from school, after completing daily work, for a maximum period of one hour;

e) exclusion from school for up to one month;

f) permanent exclusion;

On the other hand, according to the content of the 21st Worksheet (SENADOR CORREIA, 1914, p.21), the teachers enthusiastically explained the results of the exams given.

During the questioning, I could not contain my enthusiasm for the progress shown by all the students in both grades, for the order, respect and cleanliness that I noticed; Evident proof of dedication and much effort by the worthy colleague in carrying out the arduous, thorny, but noble mission of a teacher. Happy is the father who entrusts her with the instruction of his children and happy is the child who is your student. I only have words of praise for a worthy colleague and her dedicated students (SENADOR CORREIA, 1914, p. 21).

It is assumed that words of enthusiasm, dedication, order and respect, recorded with admiration and reinforced by careful records of results of distinction by grade of students, demarcated models of action to the visits of the school inspection, indicating how to teach and evaluate and, therefore, showing traces of a school culture in formation. ^{Julia (2001}, p.10) defines school culture as “a set of norms that define knowledge to be taught and behaviors to be inculcated”. And the school would be a space for inculcating behaviors to be followed, outlined by norms and practices.

Thus, taking as a source the notes of the distinctions by degrees in the worksheet consulted, it can be presumed the school culture was not delineated by the act of evaluating. When evaluating, the teacher ended up demarcating a given value that quantified and qualified school performance. By measuring learning, the way of evaluating was standardized, also incorporating evidence of a school culture. Such culture reverberated meanings and representations to the subjects that belonged to that space, surpassing, of course, the walls of the school.

One of the essential requirements in the registered arguments pointing to a satisfactory result resided in the students’ answers precision and clarity. This condition should leave a good impression on the teaching inspectors and also should demonstrate the teachers' commitment to their work. In one of the visits of the Inspectorate, this was recorded about the “modern” criteria for questioning:

Today, at the invitation of our distinguished colleague Luzia Fernandes, we visited this school. We argue with all the students and with satisfaction we declare here that the methods used by D. Luzia are the most modern, they are the best. There are students at this school who, in the subjects of the primary course, answer the questions with great precision and clarity, thus greatly pleasing the visitors. And this constitutes a victory for the teacher of this subject. [...] our impression on the visit we have made, we cannot just offer our sincere congratulations to Luzia for the happy success of her school work (SENADOR CORREIA, 1915, p. 22).

Between rules and practices: standardizing behaviors

There are several elements that permeate school time and space: bell ringing, extracurricular work, recess time and queuing, singing the national anthem, remaining silent, competition, subordination, interaction, ordering, among other elements. For ^{Dussel (2003}) occupying a space refers to being part of what already exists, furniture, routines and daily tasks, however, inhabiting a classroom also means forming a space according to tastes, rhythms and choices. It is important to emphasize that, according to ^{Pineau, Dussel and Caruso (2001}), as well as other modern institutions, the regulation of tasks within the school is also based on its own criteria, but in line with other social practices that occur in its context. surroundings, as a school standardization contains elements arising from a broader systematization, indicative of rhythms, schedules, recreation and work of teachers and students (^{PINEAU; DUSSEL; CARUSO, 2001}). In this direction, from the documentary research carried out, four of the listed were articulated in the inculcation of behaviors of the school group researched, which are: silence, time, order and the teacher's conduct.

The first aspect, the silence one, was recurrently described in most of the board's notices to teachers and students. Demonstration of this recurrence can be found in the content of the 6th notice “[...] in accordance with the 45th article and its 29th paragraph, of the 1st Internal Regulation, I determine that you must place yourselves, at the first bell, and, in silence, in front of the place where the class will take place” (SENADOR CORREIA, 1918, p.32). It is assumed that remaining silent was extremely important, both to queue up, enter the classroom, and to carry out other proposed activities. That is, the act of making silence was a constant in the school environment: to be silent to listen, to be silent to adapt to the imposed norms. It is clear that the rules of the school group aimed to control the behavior of students, making them essentially obedient.

The second aspect would be the time one. Controlling the schedule allowed the principal to have complete control over the activities of teachers and students, disciplining them and organizing the school activities. In one of the notices, a director draws the teachers' attention to the proper compliance with the timetable, asking them to bring a clock to check the school time in the classroom. The rules regarding school time were rigid and had to be complied with for discipline to prevail. The First Notice (1926, p. 49) indicated the proper demarcation of time, setting out the following determinations:

In accordance with the third article of the Internal Rules, all teachers must be in the Group 15 minutes before the work begins, under the penalty of losing the daily bonus. As soon as the teacher arrives at the group, they must sign in, look for the pictures needed for the day's lessons, then move on to the playground, in order to assist the students. All the time that the students remain on the patio is considered recess, and therefore they need supervision from the teachers to correct the toys and the way they treat their classmates. Supervising is not forming a group of teachers here and there and lecture what has already been said and not consent to gatherings in the little houses, etc.

The control over schedules allowed a greater performance in activities. And those who did not follow with maximum punctuality and precision would suffer punishment. For the teachers, it could be a warning that would be exposed in a notice format, or not receiving gratuities; students were assigned to stay in the principal's office or without recess. In the second notice of 1925’s July the 30th, the board pointed out:

I inform you that from today onwards this Board of Principals prohibits the permanence of students in the classroom during recess time, whether they are grounded or finishing work. Students who, due to punishment, have to stay without recess will remain, during that time, at the entrance. Likewise, those who are trapped after school will remain at the entrance. [...] it is necessary to cut the students’ running and screaming on the patio, under the penalization of being left without recess (SENADOR CORREIA, 1925, p. 46).

In the 4th Notice, the same director draws the teachers’ attention with regard to the order and supervision of recess.

Teachers, for a good order of recreation, each teacher is the responsible for the actions of her pupils, avoiding uproar and rude toys. Use toys in order, no offense to peers, showing affection to each other. This order and unity is also reflected [sic] in the classrooms (SENADOR CORREIA, 1926, p. 48).

However, it can be presumed that the very recurrence of warnings indicates a certain resistance to complying with the determinations that were put in place, which can also express disobedience and indiscipline. Thus, supervising recess was a fundamental matter among school activities. In the year of 1929, in the 37th Notice, a director made some recommendations to the teachers, not only regarding monitoring discipline during recess, but also regarding the physical integrity of the student.

I recommend to female teachers the strictest observation of the scale of supervision at recess. Due to the excessive number of children between 6 and 10 years of age, in the afternoon, this supervision must be exercised with the utmost rigor. For any occurrences verified during recess, daytime inspectors will be the responsibles. The physical integrity of the children, their individual cleanliness, the cleanliness of the patios, crowding during periods and indirect exits through the gate, demand that; during recess and in the period prior to the beginning of classes, special care is taken by the inspectors (SENADOR CORREIA, 1929, p. 69).

Worrying about the students' safety, individual cleanliness and school space is demonstrative of behavior and hygiene values, constitutive of a school culture in formation, based on standards of social norms of that republican context of the first decades of the 20th century. Another very relevant aspect concerns the control of class schedules. Teachers who for some reason decided to be absent had to justify the reason to the principal in advance. Controlling the teachers' absences was part of the Board's activities, which could mean the possibility of exercising regular control, including over the organization of their social life. In the 44th worksheet, another director describes it as it follows:

I ask you that, when you have to miss the shift, please inform this Board in due time. In a group like this where 15 employees work at different hours and periods and at different times, it is of great advantage and importance that the board is aware of all the progress of the work to put the teaching in motion. Otherwise, the absences of the teachers, which are of enormous disadvantage to the students, are even more so when they are not notified in time, so that some measure can be taken in order to arrange a substitute. The replacement always fails to satisfy the precise conditions of the replaced one. Also, for absences to be justified, it is clear that they need a justification. The General Inspectorate of Education determines to the directors of the group that they can only justify the absences per month, and that the licenses will only be granted by the competent authorities within the legal forms (SENADOR CORREIA, 1922, p. 43).

In this sense, order was evidenced as a third aspect. The rules were strict regarding circulation in the spaces and the materials that should be used by the students. In the 14^th Notice, a principal drew attention to compliance with the order (SENADOR CORREIA, 1918, p. 34):

Teachers

As a means of order and discipline, I determine that you strictly observe the following instructions:

1st) - each student must have the material necessary for their work, not being allowed to leave one class or desk for another, in order to borrow a pencil, pens, pens, etc., from colleagues, even brothers. As a penalty, the reduction of the application grade will apply to students who violate this provision. 2) - the pens used must be those of the type adapted in each class, the use of other types being absolutely not allowed. 3) - the teachers should not allow students to change their login during class, except when it is convenient in terms of teaching or subjects. 4th) - it is not allowed to keep students in classrooms during recess, but only in a login determined by me [...].

According to Alcântara and Vidal (2018, p. 236), “The school desk is a pedagogical device that participates in the student subjectivation process, creates bodily behaviors in the student, inside and outside the classroom”. Sitting, therefore, at a school desk, allows for the creation of a bodily assimilation, compatible with the hygienic precepts of the time. These authors point out that the sense of habit is inculcated through body practices, and this repetitive incorporation of prescribed body movements culturally forms body memory. The quote above exemplifies the classroom at Grupo Escolar Senador Correia, where the wooden desks with iron feet were arranged in rows, with spacing, accommodating two students per desk.

For ^{Silva, Souza and Castro (2018}), the school desk, an object of school material culture, constitutes an artifact that reveals the organization of the classroom, the moral order of bodies in the physical space and the discipline required between teachers and students. Forming body memory, collaborating with hygienic precepts, with discipline, the school desk, through its use and its own materiality, directly corroborates the inculcation of behaviors, which also implies paying attention to the subjective and specific elements of culture school. In other words, body movements are indicators of discipline, which was established by rigid inspection and, therefore, order is one of the constitutive elements in the outlining of culture. In 1928, some regulations determined the organization of time and space as “practical advantages” of “dedication and professional suitability”. A director spells out in detail what should be followed uniformly:

1st - that, as of today and in both school periods, classes should form in front of the building in a situation corresponding to their respective school units [...]. 2nd - that, at the end of classes, exits to both the playground and home should be through the front door, always obeying the ascending order of the classes. 3rd - that, at the end of each school period, three bells will determine: 1st the graduation of the classes in their respective headquarters; 2nd absolute silence; 3rd parade. 4th - that, the afternoon classes whose regents have immediate assistants, the students must be accompanied infallibly by the respective teacher at the front end and by the assistant at the back end, both in their displacement to the room and parade to the playground or to the gate, at the end from classes. 5th - that, in order to keep alive in the spirit of the child, the idea of the Homeland, as well as, for daily exercise of the voice, the hymn will be sung in chorus, at the beginning and at the end of each school period [...]. It is not necessary to comment here on the practical advantages that the exact application of this measure will bring. Always trusting in the competence, dedication and professional suitability of each preceptor - I expect the faithful fulfillment of these instructions without any obstacle (SENADOR CORREIA, 1928, p. 3).

It is assumed that the drafting and recording of this document constituted a mechanism for institutionalizing behavior control, ranging from the visual aspect of organizing school activities to the supervision of the teachers' work. And it was essential for students to comply with such disciplinary guidelines as part of their school duties. Body and mental conformation was essential to achieve the discipline expected by the pedagogical team. However, observing the documentary sources, it is possible to notice many traces of resistance to such norms in the school context.

I appeal to the extraordinarily effective and the teachers’ indispensable help in order to maintain discipline among the students of the various courses of this Group. Willing as I am to introduce into the child's spirit the understanding of his school duties, through any means within my reach, it will be employed as long as through mildness they are not able to curb their instincts. We must, so that our professional capacity is not undermined, before the other colleagues of the Normal School of this city, make every effort [...] to achieve the whole, homogeneous, disciplined, model (SENADOR CORREIA, 1928, p. 57).

Realize the director of the school group emphasizes the issue of uniformity in the fulfillment of duties on both sides, that is, the teachers’ one and the students’. The inculcation of duties by students could represent the ideal model of teaching work. Compliance with order and discipline was especially marked by the time factor, in a process of internalizing values and norms. The student's idle time could lead to indiscipline, as expressed in the 23rd Notice: “[...] students lack work distribution during classes, as it is known that students with work do not have time to play. It is the first means of maintaining discipline in the classroom” (SENADOR CORREIA, 1928, p. 51).

It is important to emphasize that one of the elements that guided the elaboration of the internal regulation of the school group was the 1901’s Regulation of Public Instruction of Paraná's State. But among the norms of this regulation (1901, p. 94-95), it is crucial to highlight the directive in terms of punishments.

42nd Article. Corporal punishments and those that may harm the health and morale of students are absolutely prohibited in public schools, being this infraction punished with a fine of 50$000 and, in case of recurrence, the teacher will be suspended for one month. §Single. The application of the fine dealt with in this article is of the respective school inspector’s responsibility, and that of the suspension penalty is the responsibility of the general principal, by means of communication made in this regard by the same inspector.

Therefore, the fourth aspect concerns the idealized teacher behavior: that he/she be punctual, that he/she has good voice intonation and that he/she knows how to conduct, with mastery, the indicated school activities. He/she should be firm, demonstrating personal self-control, in order to gain the respect of the students, who should not necessarily fear him/her. In one of the notices from the board, the issue of behavior and attendance is emphasized, using terms such as “devotion” and “paternal affection”:

Treat students with care and paternal affection, striving for the advancement of each one and making the school pleasant. Demonstrate the obligation of attendance. I believe that in this way the teacher obtains the trust of the student and vice versa. Children should not fear the teacher, but respect him/her. It is a duty to treat students equally, whether they are rich or poor, black or white. The educator must establish a place of honor for the assiduous, well-behaved, applied etc. student, to encourage others. It is also up to the master to make the student take care of the furniture (SENADOR CORREIA, 1926, p. 50).

On February the 4th, 1928, the principal reinforces the maximum attention of teachers with regard to 114th article of the teaching code of the Internal Regulation, in which it was registered as the teacher’s duties: “Give by your actions, in fulfilling the duties of a teacher, an example to students of punctuality, diligence, energy, perseverance and love of work.” (SENADOR CORREIA, 1928, p. 55). The search for the example was also a constant in the documentation consulted. In the 51st worksheet, the principal determines that the teacher should pay attention to the content of the Internal Regulations with regard to maintaining class discipline with “energy and affection”.

I determine that you execute the 15th Paragraph of the 12th Article of the Internal Rules. You should energetically and lovingly maintain discipline in our class. By the Teaching Code, I have already applied the 1st repression of Article 161 to you, and, if this continues, I will apply the 2nd, 3rd and so on. The indiscipline of your class is such that the teachers in the adjoining classrooms cannot teach promptly (SENADOR CORREIA, 1927, p. 51).

When the prescriptions related to the discipline were not fulfilled, there was a certain resistance from the teacher for the non-internalization of regulations, which could represent a lack of control not only of the teacher, but of the school management itself. One of the appropriate measures for such situations was the exchange of classroom teachers, which happened sporadically (SENADOR CORREIA, 1928, p. 51).

One of the rules imposed by the board was the prohibition of students staying in the classroom during recess, even if they were grounded or finished activities. Students who, due to punishment, were left without recess, should remain for the required time at the entrance. In order to provide assistance during recess, a scale of teachers was carried out with the aim of supervising the students. During the recess, it was forbidden to shout or run; if this determination was not complied with, the class to which the student belonged would be deprived of recess time. The order of the courtyard, at recess, was also the responsibility of the teachers (SENADOR CORREIA, 1921, p. 40-41). A principal, in the 44th worksheet, draws the attention of teachers and their assistants regarding the supervision of the playground to the content of Articles 38, 39, 40, 41 and 42 of the Internal Regulations: “Classes that have assistants will be without recess if their respective teachers do not comply with the determination of the articles mentioned above” (SENADOR CORREIA, 1923, p. 44). Likewise, the agglomerations of groups of teachers did not appear as a good example, since in this condition they would fail to fulfill their objective of supervising the behavior of students. According to a principal, in the 50th worksheet (SENADOR CORREIA, 1926, p. 49-50),

The teacher's task is not only to instruct but also to educate. It is not corrected or taught with rude words, but with good manners and examples, making people understand, touching their soul. The teacher has the duty to correct the student's way of entering the classroom, how to sit, pick up the book, ask for something, in short, behavior everywhere. Set an example of punctuality, energy (but not with shouting or shouting) perseverance and love for work.

The image of the teacher, but especially of the female teacher, should show delicacy, understanding and seriousness. And her behavior certainly extended to her social life, not being restricted only to the inside of the group. Including, in many of the consulted documents, elements of a civic nature should be reinforced from what was posed as a “teacher's mission”, in which patriotic feeling was evident in the writing of the worksheets, according to the following transcript:

Mesdames Teachers,

Celebrating the Independence Day of our Country, for the children of this Group, I now had to draw up the distinguished teachers, whose efforts employed greatly contributed to the good performance of the festivities. Although such duties are prescribed in the teaching regulations, as one of the missions of those who are the masters, so that the child's soul vibrates for the cause of the homeland; and despite the fact that these deeds are in fact alive and truly true in the scenario of our history, I recognize and have to thank all the consensus of those who, well understanding their duties to the Homeland, dreamed [sic] and had to patent with the example of her dedication, the interest they take in the task entrusted to them by the State powers [...] darkness of ignorance our future men, the better is the duty to make these teachings when related to the Country the most enthusiastic eloquent patriotic possible [...] (SENADOR CORREIA, 1921, p. 40-41).

The proper conduct of the professors constituted a driving force in the normalization of behaviors. Between rules and practices, the teacher ended up being responsible for establishing silence, time and order. According to ^{Julia (2001}, p. 10-11):

Norms and practices cannot be analyzed without taking into account the professional body of agents who are called to obey these orders and, therefore, to use pedagogical devices in charge of facilitating their application, namely primary school teachers and other teachers.

Discipline permeated the subjects' actions, the organization of the school practices, daily rituals, constituting ways of thinking, doing, seeing, hearing and feeling. Silence, time control and order formed the essential compound for the formation of a school culture in the first decades of the 20th century. It is also important to emphasize that, according to ^{Silva and Souza (2018}, p. 110), the scope of the pedagogical dimension that comprises the school culture finds extension in the very formation of subjects and collectivities, since cultural processes concern the “perception of ways of sociability that form the basis of our narrative identity and the knowledge of values, contents and methods transmitted in childhood”. The period of childhood, or primary education as discussed in this article, also refers to “peers of the same generation” and to the “patterns that largely formed our modes of intersubjective communication and relationship with the world of life and with the culture".

Final Considerations

The creation of scholarly groups prioritized cities considered prosperous. In Ponta Grossa, the Senador Correia Scholarly Group was built in the central area of the city, a space surrounded by commercial houses, residences of traditional families and places of political representation of local power, such as the Igreja Matriz, the City Hall and the Forum. In the context of the consolidation of the republican regime in the first decades of the 20th century, government initiatives promoted the literacy of the population, based on an education focused on national values and symbols. The construction of scholarly groups was guided by national civic standards, following architectural construction models of the first groups created in São Paulo and Distrito Federal. The researched group, therefore, symbolized the republican progress in Paraná and the project of educational modernity along national lines, enabling a portion of the population to have access to public instruction in the city of Ponta Grossa.

Since its founding, Senador Correia Scholarly Group initiated pedagogical referrals through a joint organization among teachers, principals and teaching inspectors. The latter directly interfered in the processes of standardization of teaching activities, which would culminate in reverberating forms of cultural inculcation. And if the teaching inspectors were responsible for inspecting and accurately writing reports to the General Teaching Inspectorate, then, it was possible to perceive the efforts of the school group to follow such determinations, as well as some gaps in this idealization.

With regards to the forms of organization of space and school time, some perceived points were based on what permeated the relationships, especially the issue of discipline and hierarchization, taking into account the teacher’s silence, time, order and conduct, especially the female ones. A demonstration of hierarchization in the school space was configured in the pedagogical devices led by the General Teaching Inspectorate and permeated by the actions of the inspectorate, directors, professors and students. However, it is necessary to emphasize that, when consulting the documentary sources, the record of non-compliance with norms and rules in the school routine of that context was notorious. Noisy classrooms, delays and infrequency of teachers and students were recurrent, mainly in the so-called notices, which reinforced the need to enforce the determinations imposed by the school management, taking into account the internal school regulations based on state regulations.

In short, the formation of a scholarly culture was perceived, as well as aspects of the school material culture of that context, evidenced through the records of the school routine, from the act of evaluating, the inspection of recesses, the maintenance of silence in the classrooms, the processes of disciplining and standardization, the organization of time and spaces, in short, through rules and norms of behavior to be inculcated by the mentioned subjects. Representative elements of cultural heritage inherent to the republican educational context in which a resizing for public education was sought from the idealization of primary school models in Brazil.