Introduction

The Ginásios Vocacionais (GVs) were public schools in the State of São Paulo that operated between 1961 and 1970. Throughout their existence, six educational units were established in the cities of Americana, Barretos, Batatais, Rio Claro, São Paulo and São Caetano do Sul. They constituted an experimental project that sought to renew state public education, which was possible due to a context of educational changes and debates that preceded the first Law of Guidelines and Bases of National Education of 1961 (^{Dallabrida, 2017}, p. 199 -200)⁶.

Within a universe that brings together schools that can generically be named as experimental schools (which also involve, in the case of São Paulo, the Colégio de Aplicação da Universidade de São Paulo, the Ginásio Experimental da Lapa and some Experimental Classes developed within the scope of public and private education), the Ginásios Vocacionais were the most studied case, mainly through the prism of the memory of former participants. Emblematic studies, in this sense, are the works of ^{Rovai (1996}), ^{Mascellani (1999}), ^{Tamberlini (1998}; ²⁰⁰³), ^{Silva (1999}) and ^{Neves (2010}). The memoirs seek, in addition to highlighting the traumatic end of the experience, to emphasize school work and the experiences that effectively marked the personal and professional lives of former teachers and former students. These studies give great importance to oral sources and explore the experiences of former participants, reinforcing the proposition of the existence of a curriculum that, according to ^{Garnica and Nakamura (2018}), sought to bring students closer to a practical attitude, encouraging participation in the community in which they belong. They took part through integrated pedagogical practices, such as field trips, ongoing teacher trainings and constant contact with the community of parents. This work has reached, throughout the existence of the schools, more than ten thousand students of both sexes, between 11 and 13 years old, from the 1st to the 4th grade of Junior High School.

The present work was therefore dedicated to analyzing the pedagogical practices that constitute this educational experience, focusing on the work of Educational Guidance (OE) and Pedagogical Guidance (OP), two important areas for the organization and development of the experience. In order to understand the specificities of both, little present in the reference bibliography on the Gymnasiums, two important documentary records were analyzed: the book Orientação Educacional (^{Pimentel & Sigrist, 1971}) and the Relato da Experiência Educacional (^{Pimentel, 1967}). Despite the generic title, this second document is an internal report specific to the Educational Guidance area of High Schools and was the basis for the subsequent publication of the book by Editora Pioneira (1948-1979), which has many excerpts copied verbatim from the report. In the present work, the book was analyzed in comparison with the internal report that originated it, in order to investigate possible alterations and modifications in the original text.

The initial research hypothesis was that we would find in the documents a clear division in the roles played by the areas of Pedagogical Guidance and Educational Guidance. That one would be responsible for coordinating a team of professors, debating the development of disciplines and planning pedagogical actions; this one, for the definition of the curriculum, for the mediation of conflicts, for the analysis of the performance of students, for the communication with parents, having its actions more directly aimed to the students.

In order to elucidate this distinction, two themes were selected that, in the primary sources analyzed, had great prominence in school work: the sociometric technique for forming work teams and sex education. This implied not only returning to the previously mentioned sources, but also seeking specific documents on these topics, thus leading us to the discovery of two articles published in the journal Ciência e Cultura , a publication of the Sociedade Brasileira para o Progresso da Ciência (SBPC), generically signed as authored by the Equipe do Serviço de Ensino Vocacional. They were: 'Simpósio sobre Ensino Vocacional’ (^{Serviços do Ensino Vocacional [SEV], 1968}), and ‘A técnica de sessões de grupo na orientação educacional para alunos das primeiras e segundas séries do primeiro ciclo’ (^{Paula, 1970}).

Contrary to what was expected, the hypothesis that there was a clear separation between the roles of Educational Guidance and Pedagogical Guidance was not confirmed. There was an interweaving between both, in addition to the concealment of specific Pedagogical Guidance actions. The investigative route, however, revealed the specificity of the work developed by the areas in Ginásios Vocacionais.

The status of pedagogical and educational guidance work

The book Orientação Educacional (^{Pimentel & Sigrist, 1971}), which aimed to synthesize the work carried out during the first five years of existence of Ginásios Vocacionais, is a very emblematic source. Having the text demonstrated the interventions developed with or for the students (such as the evaluation through the Student Observation Sheets (FOAs), the Sex Education Groups, the application of the Sociometric Test and the Vocational Guidance meetings), we could infer that the work of Educational Guidance had a more relational nature and was closer to the students. However, there is no mention of Pedagogical Guidance without reference to Educational Guidance, which made the investigation of their particular actions very limited. The research, however, sought evidence in other documents about the specificity of the work developed by each of these areas. Among them, a book by ^{Silva (2010}), who had been a pedagogical advisor at the João XXIII Vocational Gym in Americana. The text enabled us to better understand the specificities of the work of Pedagogical Guidance. Silva brought us two important pieces of information: the coordination of the Ginásios Vocacionais was called the Management Team and was made up of pedagogical and educational advisors, that is, those who worked in the management of the school unit; both advisors dialogued to address issues of indiscipline that were related to pedagogical issues:

It should be noted that, in addition to acting with the collective, the coordination had its moments of individual work with the teachers and often with students and parents. With these, the pedagogical and educational advisors often dialogued together, as it was common to observe that issues of indiscipline or school failure were linked to pedagogical issues (^{Silva, 2010}, p. 127).

The highlighted excerpt makes us infer that there was a need for both advisors to carry out the dialogue because there were issues of indiscipline and school failure associated with pedagogical issues, that is, work that was supposed to articulate learning with teaching.

In addition, in other moments of the work, Silva points out the work of the pedagogical advisor in three moments: “[...] in the planning process, in the pedagogical councils and in some aspects in the continuing education of teachers centered on the daily life of the school itself” (^{Silva, 2010}, p. 122). He also highlighted the monitoring carried out in the 7th and 8th grades as the work of the pedagogical advisor.

However, even focusing on the specificities of Pedagogical Guidance, the collective nature of guidance work does not allow for a clear differentiation of the functions of one or the other, being referred to together as a result of articulated work by the OP and OE teams.

This articulation between the two aspects of guidance work also appears in the other documents as being associated with the curriculum. Both areas developed, together with the team of technicians and professors, the so-called core curriculum , that is, the organization of the curriculum around a center, composed of themes and problems arising from the discipline of Social Studies, so that the contents of all the subjects were interconnected and collaborated to achieve the didactic-pedagogical objective stipulated at the beginning of each school year (^{SEV, 1968}).

Educational Guidance, as described in the work of ^{Pimentel and Sigrist (1971}), right at the beginning

It proposes to lead adolescents to conscious choices, based on rational knowledge of facts and situations, as well as on the objective assessment of their own potential, in a process of awareness versus social manipulation, gradually moving towards individual and social maturity (^{Pimentel & Sigrist, 1971} p. 17).

The excerpt above refers to the development of an individual and social maturity linked to a process of awareness, very close to what is currently associated with the notion of integral education.

The curriculum, defined as “[...] set of experiences proposed by the school, aiming at meeting the objectives and including the means of their evaluation” (^{SEV, 1968}, p. 495), is seen and structured as a whole, eliminating the division between the various fields of human specialization and the isolated programming of each subject. Each area assumes its value in the curriculum according to the direction given to them in the core curriculum , that is, the areas only have meaning if the concepts they present are worked on by pedagogical techniques compatible with the proposed objectives.

Another aspect to be highlighted is that, in the group orientation sessions, carried out in all grades at the gymnasium, the OE had a direct action with the students, constituting a space for discussion of themes related to the development of the pedagogical unit, which synthesized the planning of all areas around the core curriculum , as well as subjects that were necessary for the safety and adaptation of the student (^{Pimentel & Sigrist, 1971}). In this way, the planning of the Vocational Gym aimed to fulfill the needs of a broad education, then defined as a preparation not only on the intellectual level, but also on the social level (^{Pimentel & Sigrist, 1971}). Thus, the group work technique, as well as sex education, was central to the educational process.

Indirect references

An initial reading of the sources mentioned allows us to state that the references that supported the work developed are not cited, with only scattered mentions of some authors. We attribute this concealment to two hypotheses. Firstly, the analyzed texts were part of a work of synthesis of the activities developed, which only took place from the year 1967, when some internal crises also emerged in the Ginásios Vocacionais (^{Chiozzini, 2014}). In this sense, it is worth thinking that there was no effort in the daily life of the GVs to refer to the activities that were being developed. Hence, the fact that the analyzed texts are documents of internal circulation or derive directly from them and have an informal structure. Secondly, there was a concern on the part of the creators not to link the Vocational Gymnasiums to any foreign model, which may have caused deliberate concealment of the sources that supported the main ideas.

Regarding the first hypothesis, it is also supported by the specific case of the 1967 internal report, which later originated the 1971 book. The report was an internal record of the experience, constructed and consulted by members of the team, being a kind of ' diary' that registered the practice of the Educational Guidance work. It can be assumed that the authors did not consider it relevant at the time to register the reference authors, since the purpose of the document was not to theorize about the practices, but to describe them. Thus, the book published in 1971 ends up transposing the language used in the report.

In relation to the second hypothesis, it arises from the reading of an excerpt from the book Orientação Educacional (^{Pimentel and Sigrist, 1971}), which demonstrates the interest of the creators of the experience in not linking the work that was being developed in the Ginásios Vocacionais with which they generically define as foreign models. However, not even the national sources that generated important pedagogical practices adopted by the GVs were referenced in the documents.

We tried to escape traditionalist ways of discussing education issues and any connection with foreign models - an undesirable imitation for our educational development. In the experience of Vocational Education there is a commitment to Brazilian development, there is a philosophy marked by a scientific, critical and universal construction spirit, there is a conception of human freedom (^{Pimentel & Sigrist, 1971}, p. 14-15).

Furthermore, we assume a combination of psychological approaches to psychodrama - since the sociometric test used in group formation has the same concept and method as Jacob Levy Moreno's psychodramatic theory. - and existentialism - in which there is an emphasis on action that is structured in responsibility, also so emphasized in the documents of the Gymnasiums. These influences, however, were not confirmed due to the lack of direct references in the documents. There is, however, a reference to sociometry as a technique and not a test, as ^{Pimentel and Sigrist (1971}) discuss:

The sociometric technique has been a valuable working tool, allowing teachers to have a more objective knowledge of the interrelationship dynamics in the classrooms. However, alongside this technique, there should be observations, interviews and monitoring of students (^{Pimentel & Sigrist, 1971}, p. 30).

Next, we will present an analysis that deals specifically with this aspect of the work of Pedagogical and Educational Advisors, which was the formation of work teams and group guidance.

The composition of work teams

As previously noted, the GVs proposed to be an educational project that was concerned with the development of young people for society, moving towards other similar projects that emerged at the time. The concern with the quality of the students' education due to the possibility of working in groups is one of these actions that should be highlighted.

One of the main characteristics of the didactic-pedagogical project of the Ginásios Vocacionais were the work groups formed by students. This is because one of the educational objectives was to train young people for life in society, and it is important, therefore, to develop group skills⁷. The school path was considered training for participation in a democratic society, approaching currently widespread notions such as leadership, emotional intelligence and self-perception of one's functional abilities.

In this logic, the groups were the core of the pedagogical work. The team of professors and the coordination worked with the students on the importance of knowing how to choose who to form groups with, focusing not only on affinity or affection with the members, but also on the skills needed to carry out a specific job, that is, a group with functional dynamics. With the aim of getting to know the groups, the roles played in them by each student and guaranteeing a minimum control for the proper functioning of the pedagogical work - Educational and Pedagogical Guidance together with the teachers -, applied what they called sociometric technique or sociometry, as we can check in the following snippet:

However, in order to have control of the interrelations existing in the group [...] it is necessary to use a technique, since natural groups hardly allow any type of control. This technique should show how the groups are formed in the class, whether or not there are closed subgroups, how the sexes are related, how the elements are chosen and according to what these choices are made (^{Pimentel & Sigrist, 1971}, p. 30) .

This technique was carried out in the Vocational Gymnasiums as follows: students were asked to choose from among their classmates three people with whom they would like to form a work group with and, if they wanted to, also those with whom they would not like to work with (rejections). Coordination guaranteed the fulfillment of at least one of the choices. This consultation with the students was carried out through forms prepared exclusively for this purpose. In addition, there were other rules to be obeyed: the technique would only be applied after a few weeks of coexistence among the students, thus enabling them to get to know each other before making choices; the technique should be applied only in natural work situations, with enough time for students to think about their choices; realization would start from an objective question such as “[...] with whom would you like to work with?” (^{Pimentel, 1967}, p. 13).

After collecting the answers, the team surveyed all the choices and filled out a table that showed the number of choices received and the rejections, if any. For those not chosen or rejected, 'isolated' was noted on their card. With the data, the Ginásios Vocacionais team could verify the most chosen (and therefore considered leaders), the non-chosen (therefore isolated) and the rejected. From this, the groups were organized in such a way that none of them had a student who had been rejected by the members (for example: if Maria rejected João, João will join another group in which there is no one who has rejected him). Leaders were always attended to in their first choice, as well as mutual choices (for example: Mary chose John who also chose her and therefore were placed in the same group).

A frame was constructed with concentric circles in the middle. In it, the boys were represented by triangles, the girls by circles and inside the figures, the first name of each student was written. The figures were linked to each other according to the choices, moving closer to the center the more they were chosen.

The work teams were formed based on the analysis of the graph, following certain criteria: isolated and rejected students should stay in groups with well-chosen students; work teams with between five and six students should have a leader among them; teams should have between four and six members.

In addition to the possibility of visualization and 'exploration of sociometric facts', the GV also identified the occurrence of natural leaders, analyzing those students with the greatest number of choices. Although, initially, the team used the data from the initial consultation to distribute leaders among the formed groups, it was noticed that “[...] false concepts of leadership were established because of this [...]” (^{Pimentel & Sigrist, 1971}, p. 32) considering that the best way would be to leave the choice of this role up to the members of each team.

This technique was used mainly in the first years of Vocational Education, as it was believed that students in the 4^th year would already be able to decide on the formation of the team based on “[...] frank and open discussion about the needs of a group [...]” (^{Pimentel and Sigrist, 1971}, p. 34), not requiring the team's interference to ensure that the group was conducive to the educational objectives.

It is interesting to note that the sociometric technique was a complex, laborious and very important instrument for the functioning of the GV' pedagogical plan, as it was through it that the student work groups were formed to function throughout the semester⁸. Even so, when describing this process in detail, there is no mention of the authors who proposed its use. Due to the similarity of name and process, we can safely infer that this source was JL Moreno (1889 - 1974).

A physician, playwright and psychodramatist, Moreno devised the sociometric test as a way of getting to know the group dynamics and the individuals included in it. According to ^{Russo (2010} ), Moreno published Quem sobreviverá? , his first book in which he cited sociometry, in 1934 (English version) and later, in 1954, the French version. Considering that both first publications took place years before the GV existed, it is possible that at the time, the team had contact with the work or with a researcher who used the test. Although Moreno developed sociometry throughout the 1930s, the first translation of his works on the subject into Portuguese only took place in the 1990s, which makes it curious to think about how the Ginásios Vocacionais team accessed the work. This factor may be an indication of how much was invested in reference research for the construction of pedagogical work.

According to ^{Pimentel (1967}) , the use of the sociometric technique in Ginásios Vocacionais had the objective of knowing how groups are formed in classes, “[...] if there are or not subgroups or closed groups, how the sexes relate, how they choose the elements and according to what these choices are made [...]” (^{Pimentel, 1967}, p. 13), which demonstrates the intention to know the socialization between the students and the vicissitudes of their relationships. This objective also agrees with what Moreno dedicated to the test he devised. As the author describes, “[...] the sociometric test is an instrument that examines social structures by measuring the currents of attraction and repulsion that exist between individuals in a group” (^{Moreno, 1992} , p. 194).

Not only is the name and purpose of the technique used by Ginásios Vocacionais similar to the test proposed by Moreno, but the method is also very similar. ^{Bastin (1966}) explains that the application of Moreno's sociometric test is very simple. It simply consists of asking all members of a group to indicate which other members they would like to meet at a certain activity and which they prefer not to meet. Carrying out the test only depends on the participants answering the questions sincerely and that is precisely why the author points it out as viable for use in educational institutions, since it does not depend on much time or any material.

Another quality of the sociometric test is its great plasticity. Both the school psychologist in the classes under his responsibility, the military psychologist in the units, and the industrial psychologist in the teams easily found propitious situations for the use of the sociometric test (^{Bastin, 1966}, p. 6)⁹.

The distribution of responses on a graph is also a methodology found in Moreno's work on sociometry. For the author, just collecting the answers from the members of the groups does not make it possible to apprehend facts about them. It is only after presenting the data, through a method that allows its exploration, that the 'sociometric facts' can be found.

The answers obtained in the course of the sociometric procedure of each individual, however spontaneous and essential they may seem, are only material and not, yet, sociometric facts in themselves. [...] Sociometrists created a graphical representation process, the 'sociogram', which is more than a mere method of presentation. It is, first of all, a method of exploitation. It makes the exploration of sociometric facts possible. (^{Moreno, 1992} , p. 196, emphasis added).

In addition, ^{Saravali (2003}) differentiates two types of sociometric tests, both associated with Moreno, pointing to their main difference: the objective test only asks the members to choose among the other members, while the perceptive test asks this choice to be justified. The technique used by Vocational Gymnasiums is similar, from this perspective, to the objective sociometric test, since it proposed that students only make choices and not justify them.

[...] there are two types of sociometric tests: the objective test and the perceptive or perceptual test. In the first, group members must only make their choices according to the criterion: positive (acceptance), negative (rejection), neutral (ambivalent) and in the second, they must justify them, that is, present their reasons/motives. Other variations of the test may also occur as long as they propose to evaluate, under the same criterion, the relationships that are established between the members of the group (^{Saravali, 2003}, p. 26).

The contact of Ginásios Vocacionais with ^{Moreno's sociometry (1992}) is still a subject to be further investigated, since we know, as mentioned, that in Brazil his works on the subject became accessible only in the 1990s. Despite that, ^{Moreno (1992}) refers to 'sociometrists' in his work, indicating that there were other researchers using the sociometric test for various purposes. In Brazil, since the 1940s, there were already psychodramatists, such as Alberto Guerreiro Ramos (1915 - 1982), who applied psychodramatic techniques with the unemployed population. It is possible that other Moreno connoisseurs were mediators of this contact between the team and his works, but this fact can only be inferred, as there is no direct reference or citation to him in the works produced by the GV. We can say, for the time being, that the Vocational Gymnasiums used this reference due to the similarity we found between the way defined by ^{Moreno (1992}) on how to use such techniques and the way the Gymnasiums used them.

It is curious that the nomenclature used by Ginásios Vocacionais to refer to the sociometric test, 'sociometric technique', has differed from what ^{Moreno (1992}) proposes. Despite seeming like an insignificant difference, the clear definition of sociometric terms is preached by the author as essential, so much so that he considered it important to offer readers a glossary of sociometric terms at the end of volume three of the book Quem Sobreviverá? (1994). For the author, “This glossary is an essential part of the sociometric system. No concept has meaning in isolation. The terms and concepts are interdependent within the whole system” (^{Moreno, 1994} , p. 213).

In the glossary in question, ^{Moreno (1994}) differentiates the sociometric test of a group, the sociometric test of an individual, the sociometric questionnaire, the sociogram and the sociometric status, explaining that each of these nomenclatures refers to analyses and different stages of the application of sociometry. In addition, it names concepts such as sociometric leader, reciprocal choice, social atom, among others, which appear indirectly in the documents of Ginásios Vocacionais when they explain the execution and justification for using the test (or 'technique', as they name it).

'Sociometric test' (of a group) - measures 'conflict' between the true structure of a group, maintained by its members at the time of testing, and the structure revealed by their choices.

'Sociometric test' (of an individual) - measures 'conflict' between the actual position that a given individual holds in the group and the position revealed by his or her choices.

'Sociometric questionnaire' - asks an individual to choose his peers from any group of which he is, or may be, a member.

'Sociogram' - describes, through a set of symbols, the mutual or interpersonal relationships that exist between members of a group. If A chooses B, this is only half of a mutual relationship. For the relationship to be sociometrically meaningful, there needs to be the other half.

'Sociometric status', operational definition - how many times an individual was chosen by others as a preferred partner for all activities in which they were engaged at the time of the test. It is obtained by adding the number of choices received in each criterion (^{Moreno, 1994}, p. 213-215, emphasis added).

From there, the hypothesis arises that the GVs called the sociometric test a technique because the team was aware of its application, but not its conceptual definition, perhaps because they used reports from other institutions that applied the test as a reference test. This possibility arises from the fact that the GVs describe the entire application of the test very faithfully to ^{Moreno's instructions (1992}), only naming it differently from the author, such as calling the test a technique, the sociogram of graphs and not naming some processes (such as sociometric status ). Thus, the impression given is that the use of the sociometric test was given as an institutional resource previously known in a practical way by the team and not a theoretical use followed strictly. It would be necessary, however, to continue the investigation into the implementation of the sociometric test as a pedagogical resource to safely affirm this possibility.

Sex education

Sex education, as ^{Figueiró (1998}) reminds us, is inserted in the global education process of the individual, with the first works on the subject appearing in the 1920s and 1930s, as well as manifestations of the need for sex education programs.

In 1930, the first inclusion of sex education in a curriculum took place in Rio de Janeiro, at Colégio Batista. The experience lasted until 1954. According to Rosemberg (1985 apud^{Figueiró, 1998}), the Catholic Church was the main reason why sex education did not penetrate the Brazilian school system until the 1960s, both for its repression of sexual activity and for its prominent position in education until that period. Since then, the largest number of programs on this topic has been implemented in Brazil. ^{Figueiró (1998}) also points out that the public network was the stage for these experiences, including Ginásios Vocacionais.

The author highlights, however, some political events of the 1970s that changed the course of the process of implementing programs that had been consolidating: the rejection, in 1968, of the project by congresswoman Julia Steinbruch (PMDB - RJ), which proposed the mandatory inclusion of sex education in the 1st and 2nd grade curricula; in May 1970, the official censorship of books and newspapers by the Brazilian Congress; in 1976, the statement by Edilia Coelho Garcia, member of the Federal Council of Education, who presented the official Brazilian position at the First Latin American Seminar on Sexual Education, defending sexual education as a primary attribution of the family, thus not worked on in school classes (^{Figueiró, 1998}).

Although there was no law or formal prohibition against the implementation of the programs, the taboo surrounding the topic was enough to denounce the practice as immoral and subversive. It was only at the end of 1997 that the MEC made official the National Curriculum Parameters (PCN). The text considered sexual orientation a social and urgent issue, which needed to be considered in the elementary school curriculum, in line with the ^{Law of Guidelines and Bases of National Education (LDB) n. 9,394/96}.

In Vocational Gymnasiums, sex education was organized so that all areas addressed its content, being the responsibility of Educational Guidance, together with Pedagogical Guidance and a team of teachers. There were two distinct organizations of subjects dealt with by sex education. The first, by series, in which different themes were addressed in each of the classes through group sessions; the second, by area of knowledge, in which each discipline would deepen an aspect of the theme determined by the Pedagogical Unit (^{Pimentel & Sigrist, 1971}).

The documents describe several concrete examples of sex education practice. In the 1^st series, the topics dealt with were relationships between boys and girls, dating, what it means to be a man and a woman, physiological changes in adolescence, among others. In the 2^nd grade, the questions raised by the students were related to the sexual act, 'homosexuality'¹⁰, artificial insemination and similar contents. In the 3rd grade, they were asked about sexual deviations, venereal diseases, pornography, etc. In the 4^th grade, they thought about gender differences in society, women's struggle for liberation, genetic issues, etc. In relation to the themes portrayed by area of knowledge, the examples mentioned were the following: in Social Studies, in the 1^st grade, the role of women in the transformation of society; in Plastic Arts, in the 2^nd grade, female nudes; in 3^rd grade, in Science, secondary sexual characteristics; and in the 4^th grade, in Portuguese, examination of texts to analyze the problem of man's loneliness and his need for communication (^{Pimentel & Sigrist, 1971}).

We see that the moralistic bias also emerges when, in the 3rd grade group session, the themes of homosexuality and prostitution are treated side by side, as if they represented the same social problem.

In the group orientation sessions, the following program was developed: (a) Heterosexual relationships; (b) Sense of sexuality; (c) The human person taken as an object in homosexuality and prostitution; (d) Human love and personal fulfillment (^{Pimentel & Sigrist, 1971}, p. 117).

There is also an emblematic case described by ^{Pimentel and Sigrist (1971}) involving a student identified as “[...] bearer of effeminate aspects [...]”, designated as “[...] case X” (^{Pimentel and Sigrist , 1971}, p. 71). The effeminate aspects seen in male adolescents were condemned, seen as a “[...] serious problem of X [...]” (^{Pimentel & Sigrist, 1971}, p. 76) and, thus, his family data was collected and the measure taken by counselors and educators was to 'reverse the case'. The student was placed in a group in which all components were male, even though his friendships were mostly female.

In this way, the Vocational Educational Guidance set up a situation that “[...] favored the outbreak of what could later be characterized as an emotional crisis, long repressed by student X” (^{Pimentel & Sigrist, 1971}, p. 78). This happened with his placement in a team in which the leader and two other students were male and considered to possess “[...] more accentuated traits of virility and confidence, bearing in mind, of course, the local cultural standards” (^{Pimentel & Sigrist, 1971}, p. 78).

When X demanded explanations from the Guidance Counselor as to why he was only on teams with male components, she claimed that it was an accidental fact, that is, there was no transparency with the student regarding what was pointed out as a problem that they were trying to solve. X's mother came to the school, claiming that her son was “[...] dejected, with terrible bouts of crying and anguish, always saying that he wanted to end his life” (^{Pimentel & Sigrist, 1971}, p. 80). She was advised by the school not to take her son to the doctor, “[...] nor ask Y, X's friend, to help him” (^{Pimentel & Sigrist, 1971}, p. 80).

Despite the emancipatory discourse of leading the student to discover the meaning of bodily demands and sexuality in the human person, providing conditions for objective reflection and conscious and responsible decision-making, some examples presented from the practice proved to be moralistic and binary. As well as in the proposed discussion of “[...] the human person taken as an object in homosexuality and prostitution” (^{Pimentel & Sigrist, 1971}, p. 117), in which homosexuality is associated with body objectification.

Even if themes were discussed in which we can recognize an avant-garde perception for the time, such as the social position of men and women and masturbation, some unreflected traditional precepts were shown, in order to perpetuate situations of prejudice.

Thus, we must return to the historical context in which the educational experience was being developed. At that time, discussions about homosexuality were not yet so present in schools, the manifestations of the counterculture were recent and even an educational proposal that predicted the development of a critical and conscious citizen was not free of prejudices about life in society.

We see, on the other hand, a concern to include a series of pertinent themes, such as the place of women in Brazilian society, with gender issues that women had experienced up until then appearing in all series.

Final considerations

After analyzing and comparing the main documents used, we found two interesting results to understand what was the pedagogical proposal of the Educational Gymnasiums at the time and their interlocutions with Psychology: first, in relation to the specificities and differences between the works of Educational Guidance and Pedagogical Guidance; second, in relation to the difficulty in determining the references that supported the political-pedagogical project of Ginásios Vocacionais and the daily activities developed there. We also confirm that the investigated primary sources do not bring the theoretical references that underlie the work developed, with only scattered quotes from the reference authors. In this sense, the reference bibliography was more direct, pointing out texts and authors, but also without much depth and, sometimes, using the memorialistic account with the status of historical truth.

Considering the initial hypothesis that there was a separation between the areas of Pedagogical Guidance and Educational Guidance, we can say that such a distinction can be observed, but not deepened, since both services were extremely linked, and the main available document analyzed referred to especially in the area of Educational Guidance (^{Pimentel & Sigrist, 1971}). However, we can formulate the hypothesis that there was in fact no very definite separation, since, like the students, the coordination also worked together in the various activities carried out in the Ginásios Vocacionais. ^{Silva (2013}), although proposing to discuss the work of Pedagogical Guidance, described the work carried out jointly by both guidances, such as ^{Pimentel and Sigrist (1971}), who proposed to discuss Educational Guidance. It can be inferred, therefore, that the existing integration between the work of Pedagogical Advisor and Educational Advisor was directly related to the notion of integration between areas that marked the curriculum of Ginásios Vocacionais as a whole. It is plausible, therefore, to assume that this separation was not clearly defined by the advisors themselves.

From the documents studied, it was possible, however, to confirm some characteristics of the work of Educational Guidance: that of exercising a coordinating action, working together with other professionals, teachers and parents, in the planning, execution and evaluation of the educational action developed (^{SEV, 1968}). It was also especially responsible for planning actions directly aimed at students, such as the composition of work teams through the sociometric test and the evaluation process throughout the semester.

The area of Pedagogical Guidance remained hidden. Considering the documents studied, we formulated the hypothesis that the Pedagogical Advisor would be in charge of building and maintaining the curriculum, approving the didactic planning and the didactic techniques used in the disciplines (^{Pimentel, 1971}). Thus, it would be responsible for coordinating the team of teachers, as well as defining and integrating the curriculum of the school units. However, the area still needs to be better investigated, and it is not possible to make other propositions.

Regarding the sociometric technique, considering that no document mentions the references used for the entire educational experience, it is seen by reading and comparing materials that the test was used in the way ^{Moreno (1992}) theorized. The only direct reference to the author appears in a document located by ^{Chiozzini (2014}), dated 1964 and entitled Bibliografia para estudos de fundamento e planejamento de curriculum, in which one of the author's works, in English, appears in the midst of a list from several authors. In the case of the consulted documents, there is only a subtle difference: the documents of the Ginásios Vocacionais refer to a sociometric 'technique', while ^{Moreno (1992}) refers to a 'test'. This disparity was probably due to mistranslation, which raises the hypothesis that the Vocational Gymnasium team had access to the first materials by ^{Moreno (1992}) in English or French. However, this is not enough evidence to rule out the hypothesis that this contact was through Brazilian psychodramatists. On both occasions, one can see the intellectual investment that was lent to the development of the educational experience of Ginásios Vocacionais, as Moreno's work was not yet widely disseminated in Brazil. Even today, the use of the sociometric test in the school context is seen as innovative.

Finally, the comparison between the 1967 and 1971 documents culminated in the identification of omissions and modifications in the text, mainly with regard to the social and political objectives of the educational experience. These alterations may have been caused due to the persecution that existed in the context of the Brazilian Military Dictatorship (1964 - 1985) against institutions, social movements or subjects that were considered subversive to the imposed system. Another motivator may have been the differences and internal changes in the team, which sought to bring the pedagogical project of Ginásios Vocacionais closer and closer to a political project aimed at criticizing and transforming society (^{Chiozzini, 2014}).

Regarding the quotations and theoretical references that are not very present in the internal report (1967) and almost non-existent in the 1971 book, it is possible that they were motivated by the intention not to link the experience that was being developed in the GVs to foreign models and by the understanding of that, the work was subject to constant changes, since it constituted an experimental project constantly evaluated and reformulated. A pedagogical project being developed under these conditions may have been based on as many theories and theorists as possible, making it unnecessary for the team to explain which and who they were. Furthermore, considering that the 1967 document was an internal report constructed for the team's use, it may be that the presence of references was an unnecessary detail, given the document's informality. The book Orientação Educacional (^{Pimentel and Sigrist, 1971}) turned out to be a precarious dissemination of the work, since it was released after the end of the experience, in a period of increased censorship and repression in the country. In addition to the weaknesses of the document that inspired the book, there was a growing restriction on freedom of expression.

Even decades after the end of the experience, it is understood that the discussions and policies that contemplate the integral education and the Innovative High School, in the contemporaneity, lack historical reference, mainly when they involve experiences that were ended by the Civil-Brazilian Military Dictatorship of 1964 and which went through a deliberate erasure process. The reversal of this process involves, in the first instance, the exercise of remembrance carried out by the subjects who participated in it, such as the initiatives of the Association of Former Students and Friends of Ginásios Vocacionais (http://www.vocacional.org.br/) and documentaries such as 'Vocacional: uma aventura humana' (^{Dourdin, Kieling, Venturi, & Venturi, 2011}), by director Toni Venturi. However, it is necessary to develop an analytical effort aimed at investigating not only the experience as a whole, as already done in the cited bibliography, but in more vertical studies, which enter the different units that make up this teaching system and allow the understanding of the use of innovative techniques and methodologies, such as sociometrics for the composition of work teams and the practice of sexual education, as it was attempted to be done.