Introduction

Affirmative action policies in Brazil have designed a new reality of access to a larger number of students to higher education institutions, initially, from the 2000s, in state universities and, later, with the achievement of new coverage from 2012, through Law No. 12.711, when federal universities and federal institutions of technical education at the secondary level were contemplated (BRASIL, 2012).

We understand that the expansion of higher education, in the face of the access of students with diverse cultural identities, coming from different social and economic classes, permeated by different worldviews, when entering higher education institutions (HEIs), do not find answers to their training needs in the curriculum, the structure and the way education is organized. To meet the diversity of students who access federal and state HEIs, we assume that the post-critical curriculum theory conception will be able to meet the entrance demands, whether through general competition or through exclusive access programs.

By interpreting the content of Resolution CNE/CP¹ No. 2/2019² (BRASIL, 2019, 2020), we seek to establish the presence and/or absence of representative elements of affirmative action and post-critical theory of curriculum, through the approach of interculturality, considering the challenges that involve this way of viewing education.

We take as theoretical basis the documents of legislation that define affirmative action (BRASIL, 2012, 2016), the studies of the website of the Affirmative Action Multidisciplinary Study Group (s/d), with the guidance of ^{Moehlecke (2002}), Feres Júnior and Campos (2016), ^{Rosa and Martins (2020}), and authors such as ^{Silva (2010}) and ^{Candau (2008}), fundamental to the understanding of curriculum theories and perspectives of multiculturalism.

In the methodological path, we took the qualitative approach research, with bibliographic and documental theoretical reference, and a content analysis, also relying on the contributions of ^{Bogdan and Biklen (1994}), and ^{Oliveira, Ens, Andrade and Mussis (2003}). For content analysis of Resolution CNE/CP no. 2/2019 (BRASIL, 2019, 2020) and for understanding educational policies and their dissemination mechanisms, we were based on ^{Shiroma, Campos, and Garcia (2005}), ^{Ball, Maguire, and Braun (2016}), Ball (2020), ^{Guareschi, Lara, and Adegas (2010}), and ^{Santos and Mesquida (2007}).

The propositions of ^{Candau (2008}) about the intercultural approach in education and ^{Santos (2009}) about intercultural dialogue contributed to the understanding of the intercultural approach and to the conception that cultures are in a continuous process of construction, in the movement of interrelation between diverse cultural groups.

In this article, we present some elements about the access of students, through affirmative action, to Brazilian higher education, more specifically to initial teacher education courses, as well as the consequent challenges that this access demands from the HEI's curriculum. By situating some perspectives of the multiculturalism approach in the curriculum, we propose to bring to the center of the discussion the perspective of interculturalism, as a possibility for the dialogue among students from different social and cultural backgrounds and point out the challenges that this point of view proposes to the curriculum. Next, we describe the path of the research and analyze Resolution CNE/CP No. 2/2019, with the assumption that by understanding the national curricular guidelines for initial teacher training, we will be able to verify in which aspects this educational policy for teacher training meets the expectations of students who access higher education through affirmative action, with a view to a citizen and democratic training.

Affirmative Actions as a Possibility of Access to Higher Education

Student access to higher education through affirmative action policies was effectively made possible in Brazil in the 2000s, as can be confirmed in the work of ^{Moehlecke (2002}), Feres Júnior and Campos (2016), and ^{Rosa and Martins (2020}).

The first affirmative actions in Brazil were linked to state legislation and university council decisions, with a focus on state universities in the 2000s. In federal universities and federal institutions of high-level technical education, as a special program, the access of students took place through the enactment of Law No. 12.711/2012 (BRASIL, 2012).

The path in the search for a public policy model began long before the enactment of state laws and the federal law, as ^{Moehlecke (2002}, p. 198) reports when explaining that affirmative action policies emerged in the Brazilian public agenda as a possibility of response to the "Data on discrimination and inequalities [. systematically disseminated [...], nationally and internationally, [...]", which influenced and still influence today "[...] the definition of opportunities for entering the labor market, career advancement, educational performance, access to higher education, participation in political life" (p. 198). Feres Júnior and Campos (2016, p. 269-270) when writing about the factors that contributed to the emergence and spread of racial affirmative action in Brazil indicate that "The studies on racial inequalities, produced in the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, [... were] the first to use national statistical data, provided academic basis for the denunciation of Brazilian racism, historically embraced by the Black Movement."

The studies conducted show us, as explained by ^{Guareschi, Lara and Adegas (2010}, p. 336), that already in 1948, through the "Universal Declaration of Human Rights", were included to civil and political rights "[...] the economic, social, cultural rights, such as the rights to work, to education, to health, to housing, etc.". For these authors, "The 1948 declaration calls on the state to promote public policies to respond to the social needs of the population, thus intensifying the state's investments in life" (p. 336). They define public policies as "[...] a mode of intervention by the modern state, which will be responsible for the whole population or the population universe it governs" and add that "Public policies stem from a concern of the state to seek the maximization of life and, in this sense, to construct rights that would guarantee the factors that were being considered important for this investment (freedom, health, education, sanitation, freedom of expression)" (p. 336).

Added to this landmark of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is the promulgation of the 1988 Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil, which, set at a time of searching for a minimal state, included in its content a series of social rights, since its preamble, when it stated the desire of the representatives of the people gathered in the constituent "[. ...] to establish a Democratic State, destined to assure the exercise of social and individual rights, liberty, security, welfare, development, equality, and justice as supreme values of a fraternal, pluralistic, and unprejudiced society [...]". Then, in chapter II of the constitutional text, "On Social Rights", it defined in art. 6, in wording given by Constitutional Amendment No. 90 of 2015, that "Education, health, food, work, housing, transportation, leisure, security, social security, maternity and childhood protection, assistance to the helpless, [...] ar e social rights". Regarding education, in art. 206, it established the basic principles on which education should be provided and defined, in item I, the "equality of conditions for access and permanence in school" (BRASIL, 1988, 2015).

However, as ^{Pereira, Gutierrez and May (2016}, p. 198) remind us, "In the 1990s, the context of neoliberalism attacked the university structure, especially the public one. [..., because] the neoliberal assumptions made public investment precarious, scrapping the physical structures and attacking the rights of workers in education". Still in this context of Brazilian society, the Zumbi March, which occurred in 1995, fought against Racism, for Citizenship and Life, which, according to ^{Moehlecke (2002}, p. 205), took place in the scope of the black movement and "[...] represented a moment of greater approximation and pressure in relation to the Public Power". This march, the author says, resulted in a series of "[...] proposals of public policies for the black population [...which] can be observed in the Program for Overcoming Racism and Racial Inequality, presented by the movement to the federal government" (p. 205). Among the suggestions is the proposal for the development of "[...] affirmative actions for the access of blacks to professionalizing courses, to the university, and to areas of high technology" (p. 206).

In this period, in which the debate about different discrimination processes gains strength among Brazilian researchers, the Multidisciplinary Study Group on Affirmative Action (GEMAA) was created at the Institute of Social and Political Studies of the State University of Rio de Janeiro (IESP-UERJ), which defined affirmative action as "[... ] focal policies that allocate resources to benefit people belonging to groups that have been discriminated against and victimized by socioeconomic exclusion in the past or present" and described that such actions aim to "[...] combat ethnic, racial, religious, gender, or caste discrimination by increasing the participation of minorities in the political process, in access to education, health, employment, material goods, social safety nets, and/or in cultural recognition" (GEMAA, s/d).

However, as this group clarifies, "In the [...] academic debate, affirmative action [...] takes on a more restricted meaning, being understood as a policy whose aim is to ensure access to important social positions for members of groups that, in the absence of this measure, would remain excluded," and indicates that these actions are intended to "[...] combat inequalities and desegregate elites, making their composition more representative of the demographic profile of society" (GEMAA, n/a).

In 1996, the term "affirmative action" related to education appears in official Brazilian government documents, when the National Human Rights Program (PNDH, 1996) was launched. This program was elaborated by the Ministry of Justice in partnership with civil society organizations, which, in its medium-term objectives for the Black Population, indicates the proposal to "Develop affirmative actions for the access of Blacks to professionalizing courses, to the university, and to areas of high technology" (BRASIL, PNDH, 1996, p. 30).

According to ^{Rosa and Martins (2020}, p. 7), what effectively stimulated the implementation of affirmative action policies was "[...] the impulse given by international organizations, through the Durban Conference [... 2001], for the implementation of these public policies. The authors justify this impulse by "[...] the reheating of these discussions in this period, [...], and some governmental measures that gave breath to the old discussions that culminated in the federal law in 2012" (p. 7). In the program of action defined at the Durban Conference, held in Durban, South Africa, in 2001, the policy oriented in item 100

Urges states to establish, based on statistical information, national programs, including affirmative action programs or positive action measures, to promote access to basic social services, including basic education, primary health care, and adequate housing, for groups of individuals who are or may become victims of racial discrimination (UN, 2001, p. 65).

^{Ball, Maguire, and Braun (2016}, p. 192) contribute to the interpretation of this scenario by describing that "Theory is indispensable to understanding policy work and the effects of policy." If we think of the influences that were directed at the texts of affirmative action policies as a cluster of discursive regularities, "[...] we can begin to identify a set of 'master' discourses [...]" (p. 195), which outlined the documents, legislations, and actions within the scope of Law no. 12. 711/2012, as when establishing the definition of the reserve of at least 50% of vacancies for students who have fully attended high school in public schools for access to higher education in federal institutions, for example, and the establishment of the proportion of reserved vacancies for self-declared black, brown, and indigenous people, and people with disabilities, based on local proportions described in the census of the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics - IBGE (BRASIL, 2012, 2016).

By including in his book called Capital in the 21st Century a passage on "Meritocracy and oligarchy in the university," ^{Piketty (2014}, p. 473) writes about the existence of inequality in access to higher education and states that it is "[...] one of the most important issues that the welfare state must face in the 21st century" such factor also motivates us to go ahead with this research cut that interrelates: initial teacher training, student access to higher education through affirmative action and curriculum.

According to ^{Moehlecke (2002}), the first law with a profile related to access to HEIs through affirmative action was passed in Rio de Janeiro and came into effect as of the 2002/2003 selection. According to studies by GEMAA (s/d), published on its website, year after year, other states were passing their respective state laws related to affirmative action. In 2012, Law No. 12.711/2012 was enacted, which "Provides for the admission to federal universities and federal institutions of technical education of medium level [...]". Our study cut relates to the articles of Law 12,711/2012, which refer to access to higher education and those that present the necessary requirements to claim a place through this exclusive access program (BRASIL, 2012).

The initial definition of the legislation turns to socioeconomic criteria by establishing in Article 1, for "Federal institutions of higher education linked to the Ministry of Education [...the reservation of] at least 50% (fifty percent) of their vacancies for students who have attended high school in public schools in full. Within the minimum percentage reserved, 50% of the vacancies are destined "[...] for students from families with income equal to or less than 1.5 minimum wages (one and a half minimum wages) per capita" (BRASIL, 2012).

In art. 3, another subdivision is presented for the vacancies reserved in art. 1, this time for self-declared black, mixed race, and indigenous people, that is, the law defines that of the vacancies reserved in the initial percentage, a percentage "[... ] in a proportion at least equal to the proportion of black, mixed race, and indigenous people in the population of the Federation unit where the institution is installed, according to the last census of the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE)," should be reserved, a valid criterion in conjunction with the rule that the student must have attended high school in public schools (BRASIL, 2012). Law No. 12.711/2012, when amended in its articles 3, 5 and 7, by Law No. 13.409/2016, adds to art. 3 the reservation of vacancies for people with disabilities, in proportion to the total number of vacancies at least equal to the respective size of people with disabilities in the population of the Federation unit where the institution is installed, according to the last IBGE Census (BRASIL, 2016).

^{Gatti, Barreto, André, and Almeida (2019}, p. 116) explain that "Although specifically directed to federal HEIs, the Quotas Law ends up having its scope greatly expanded due to the restructuring process of Enem, which, as of 2009, became a unified test for access to higher education. This possibility occurs, the authors affirm, because "The institutions maintained by any of the government spheres can adopt the test as a partial or complete selection process for their new students" (p. 116). In addition, they clarify that this adherence is done through the "[...] Unified Selection System (Sisu), a digital platform powered by the MEC, and, in doing so, they must comply with the determinations of the Quotas Law for the vacancies made available by this system" (p. 116).

On these issues, Feres Júnior and Campos (2016, p. 277) had found in their studies that "[...] most Brazilian universities adopted affirmative actions of socioeconomic rather than racial cut, [...]" in the period before the enactment of Law No. 12,711/2012. For the authors, "[...] this data indicates the preponderance of a redistributive conception of affirmative action in Brazil [...], as opposed to a multiculturalist understanding of this type of policy" (p. 278).

However, Feres Júnior and Campos (2016, p. 278) point out that the "[...] ascendancy of socioeconomic criteria over strictly racial or ethnic criteria was reinforced by the 'Quotas Law', [... In other words, the legislation, by integrating to the quota for students from public schools the vacancies for economically needy students, for black, brown and indigenous students, and for people with disabilities, transformed the social issue into the main criterion for the access of students to Brazilian higher education, by means of affirmative action.

This rule puts the Brazilian public high school system in evidence. That said, considering that public high school students are a representative group of the cultural, socioeconomic, and ethno-racial identities and differences present in the subjects that make up Brazilian society, and that these students, due to the expansion of higher education and the special affirmative action access programs, are now enrolled in greater numbers in Brazilian higher education, we deduce the need for a curriculum that addresses this reality.

Based on this context, this research seeks, in the theories of curriculum, to understand which of the theories is closer to the reality of students who entered through affirmative action, from the perspective of higher education, in initial teacher training courses, i.e., in teacher training courses, which receive students who will be future teachers.

Curriculum Theories and the Challenges of Interculturality

The theories of curriculum, from the most traditional to the post-critical, to be put into practice, go through a selection. It is a process that is not neutral, whose selection is made by worldviews, beliefs, value judgments, and differences. These are factors that become evident in group discussions, committees, that is, when people get together to think about the construction of a curriculum. ^{Silva (2010}, p. 14) states that the most important thing is "[...] to know what questions a curriculum 'theory' or a curriculum discourse seeks to answer [... because] the central question that serves as the backdrop for any curriculum theory is what knowledge should be taught" (p. 14. Author's emphasis).

The HEIs, when faced with the expansion of the number of students, many of them coming from the access through affirmative action programs, have the responsibility to bring to the debate the issue of curricula and, thus, propose changes. The curriculum, according to ^{Silva (2010}, p. 15), "[...] is always the result of a selection [... and] the curriculum theories, [...], seek to justify why 'this knowledge' and not 'that knowledge' should be selected" and all this has a purpose, since "[...] a curriculum seeks precisely to modify the people who will 'follow' that curriculum" (p. 15. Author's emphasis). Complementing, the author advises that "[...] besides a question of knowledge, the curriculum is also a question of identity" and adds that, under the post-structuralist perspective, "[...] the curriculum is also a question of power [...]" (p. 16).

Another aspect clarified by ^{Silva (2010}, p. 16) is in the "[...] question of power that will separate traditional theories from critical and post-critical theories of curriculum" since traditional theories of curriculum are classified as "[...] neutral, scientific, disinterested" (p. 16). On the other hand, critical and post-critical theories of curriculum "[...] argue that no theory is neutral, scientific, or disinterested, but is inevitably implicated in power relations" (p. 16) and adds that "Critical and post-critical theories of curriculum are concerned with the connections between knowledge, identity, and power" (p. 16-17). The author guides that these theories emphasize some concepts and reminds us that they are responsible for the way we see reality (Table 1).

By reading and reflecting on Law No. 12.711/2012, we found that it establishes a reserve of vacancies for special access to higher education, without defining aspects aimed at the permanence of these students. ^{Gatti, Barreto, André, and Almeida (2019}, p. 306) bring impacting data regarding the ratio of entrants x completers, because "[...] of the total of students entering undergraduate courses in 2013, the proportion of completers in shorter courses (3 years), or longer courses (4 years) is similar: it is around 50%". For the authors, "[...] the high dropout and repetition rates found in these courses can be explained by context variables but are also partly due to the dynamics intrinsic to their operation" (p. 306).

In our understanding, for permanence in initial teacher education courses in Brazil, it is necessary not only a curriculum that meets the needs of students with identities representing different cultures, but also approaches and methods that guide the interaction among students, so that they reveal their life stories and begin to dialogue to be recognized. ^{Gatti, Barreto, André, and Almeida (2019}, p. 135) confirm our understanding by pointing to "[...] the difficulty that higher education encounters to modify its structures and way of functioning, to formulate curricula and to create approaches more in tune with the clientele they serve [...]".

The theories of curriculum systematized in Table 1 show that to meet the diversity of students who access the HEIs in teacher education courses, the post-critical theory of curriculum is the one that best meets the demands of students who enter through general competition or in vacancies of special access programs, here called affirmative action, represented by Law No. 12.711/2012, which are intertwined with multiculturalism.

We alert to multiculturalism, because it deals with issues related to identity and difference and has a wide range of perspectives of approach, a factor that completely changes the way of seeing and acting in/with reality and, therefore, interferes in the characterization of post-critical curriculum theory. About multiculturalism, ^{Candau (2008}, p. 49) states that "One of the fundamental characteristics of multicultural issues is exactly the fact that they are crossed by the academic and the social, the production of knowledge, militancy, and public policies". The author records that "[...] multiculturalism was not born in universities and in the academic field in general" (p. 49) and explains that "It is the struggles of social groups that are discriminated and excluded from full citizenship, the social movements, especially those related to ethnic issues and, among them, in a particularly significant way, those related to black identities, [...]" (p. 49) that establish and organize the production of multiculturalism.

Among the approaches on multiculturalism, ^{Candau (2008}, p. 50) refers to three perspectives, which he considers fundamental and that are found as grounds for several proposals. These are: "[...] assimilationist multiculturalism, differentialist multiculturalism or plural monoculturalism and interactive multiculturalism, also called interculturalism". The assimilationist perspective, according to Candau (2008, p. 50), "[...] starts from the statement that we live in a multicultural society, [... where] there is no equality of opportunities". This perspective, for the author, "[...] favors that everyone integrates into society and is incorporated into the hegemonic culture" (p. 50). In the case of education, there is the possibility of promoting "[...] a policy of universalization of schooling, everyone is called to participate in the school system" (p. 50), however, it is possible to see that there is no change in the dynamics of the institutions regarding the curriculum, since "Simply those who did not have access to these goods and to these institutions are included in them as they are" (p. 50).

Regarding the second perspective of the multiculturalism approach, the differentialist, according to ^{Candau (2008}, p. 50-51), it proposes to "[...] emphasize the recognition of difference and, to ensure the expression of the diverse cultural identities present in a given context, ensure spaces in which they can express themselves". In this perspective, the author asserts that "[...] the formation of homogeneous cultural communities with their own organizations - neighborhoods, schools, churches, [...] true sociocultural apartheids" (p. 51).

The third perspective, interculturality, is based on the "[...] deliberate promotion of the interrelationship between different cultural groups present in a given society [..., because] it conceives cultures in a continuous process of elaboration, construction, and reconstruction" (^{CANDAU, 2008}, p. 51). The author clarifies that this perspective "[...] is constituted by the affirmation that in the societies in which we live the processes of cultural hybridization are intense and mobilizers of the construction of open identities, in permanent construction, which assumes that cultures are not pure" (p. 51). Another characteristic is found in the "[...] awareness of the power mechanisms that permeate cultural relations," because they "[...] are constructed in history and, therefore, are crossed by questions of power, by strongly hierarchical relations, marked by prejudice and discrimination of certain groups" (p. 51).

The intercultural perspective advocated by ^{Candau (2008}, p. 52) "[...] wants to promote an education for the recognition of the 'other', for the dialogue between different social and cultural groups" (emphasis added), an education "[...] that faces the conflicts caused by the asymmetry of power between different sociocultural groups in our societies and is able to favor the construction of a common project, through which differences are dialectically integrated" (p. 52).

The understanding of ^{Candau (2008}) dialogues with the propositions of Professor Boaventura de Sousa ^{Santos (2009}), when he proposes a "diatopical hermeneutics", whose goal is "[...] to maximize the awareness of mutual incompleteness [... of the premises of the argumentation of cultures], through a dialogue that takes place, so to speak, with one foot in one culture and the other in another" (^{SANTOS, 2009}, p. 15). One of the guidelines that the author indicates to groups interested in intercultural dialogue is that "[...] the real starting point of dialogue is the moment of frustration or discontent with the culture to which we belong. This feeling arouses curiosity about other cultures, [...] transforming the initial awareness of incompleteness, [...], into a self-reflective awareness" (p. 17).

In education, the intercultural perspective faces some challenges that ^{Candau (2008}, p. 53) tried to identify and enumerate in his studies. In Chart 2, we indicate the main challenges pointed out by the author.

We corroborate with the perspective of interculturalism explained by ^{Candau (2008}, p. 52) of "[...] promoting an education for the recognition of the 'other', for the dialogue between different social and cultural groups" and that different conceptions of multiculturalism interfere in a post-critical curriculum and in the integration with the 'other', since, according to ^{Silva (2010}, p. 90. 90), "[...] multiculturalism reminds us that equality cannot be obtained simply through equal access to the existing hegemonic curriculum [...]. The achievement of equality depends on a substantial modification of the existing curriculum."

Based on the guidelines of ^{Candau (2008}) and ^{Santos (2009}), when we reflect on the affirmative action policies, we see that these, certainly, are characterized as advances from the point of view of promoting equal opportunities in the access of students to higher education courses in Brazil, but it is necessary to continue the journey, to take a step forward, now to ensure the permanence of these students. For this, one of the aspects to be considered will be a curriculum that broadens the discussions about identity and difference to the level of questioning power relations that produce and reproduce differences, that is, a curriculum that goes beyond the sense of tolerance and respect for the diversity of subjects, that is, one that is built from the perspective of interculturality.

To accomplish this movement, we face the challenges to promote an intercultural education, taking into account the reality of the access of students through affirmative action, and we analyze the "National Curriculum Guidelines for the Initial Training of Teachers for Basic Education" and the "Common National Base for the Initial Training of Basic Education Teachers (BNC-Training)", defined by Resolution CNE/CP n. No. 2/2019, from the perspective of post-critical curriculum theory, in the approach of interculturality, in order to establish the presence or absence of elements of affirmative action and the representative elements of this type of curriculum, as well as the challenges of an education based on interculturality (BRASIL, 2019, 2020).

Methodological Path of Research

The expansion of higher education in Brazil and affirmative action policies are challenges to education and to the organization of course curricula since these are defined by curricular guidelines by the Ministry of Education. In this article, we analyze the curricular guidelines for initial teacher training courses, defined by Resolution CNE/CP No. 2/2019, to identify the presence and or absences of representative elements of affirmative action and post-critical curriculum theory, through the approach of interculturality, considering the challenges that involve this way of viewing education.

To achieve the research objective, we opted for a qualitative methodological approach, whose purpose, according to ^{Bogdan and Biklen (1994}, p. 287), "[...] is not to make value judgments, but to understand the world of the subjects and determine how and by what criteria they judge it. We also used bibliographic research, based on the knowledge built by authors who worked on the themes addressed here, and documentary research, specifically with legal documents (laws and resolutions) for the development of the investigation and analysis. Once the knowledge was systematized, we used content analysis, which, according to ^{Oliveira, Ens, Andrade and Mussis (2003}, p. 3-4), "[...] has the purpose, [...] to explain and systematize the content of the message and the meaning of this content [... this occurs] through logical and justified deductions, [...]". Without losing sight of the totality of the content to be analyzed, the authors say that the "[...] choice of classification criteria depends on what one seeks or hopes to find. The interest is not in [...] describing the contents, [...], but in how the data may contribute to the construction of knowledge after being treated" (p. 4). In this classification, we sought to "[...] identify the frequencies or absences of items, that is, to categorize in order to introduce an order, according to certain criteria" (p. 4).

Supported by the guidelines of ^{Oliveira, Ens, Andrade, and Mussis (2003}) for content analysis in research in the field of education, we read Resolution CNE/CP No. 2/2019 for the first notes of general impressions and especially of the indicators related to the objectives of this research. After the initial reading of the document, we resumed the theoretical notes on affirmative action and curriculum and the production of the text of the Resolution, with the purpose of categorization. We defined three categories of analysis for the survey and systematization of data, each one composed of descriptors, that is, keywords located in the document under analysis, by searching the grammatical group of words according to Chart 3.

What Resolution CNE/CP No. 2/2019 Tells Us

By reading Resolution CNE/CP No. 2/2019, we see that the curricula of teacher training courses should refer to the National Common Curricular Base, as regulated by § 8 of art. 62 of the Law of Directives and Bases of Education, Law No. 9. 394/1996 (LDB) and that the institution of the Curricular Common National Base by Resolutions CNE/CP No. 2/2017 and Resolution CNE/CP No. 4/2018 justifies the change in the national curricular guidelines for initial teacher training (BRASIL, 1996, 2017, 2018, 2019, 2020).

Another aspect refers to the essential learning, which are provided for in the BNCCBasic Education (BRASIL, 2017) and are reaffirmed in the initial considerations of the new guidelines for teacher training (BNC-Education), that the essential learning, guaranteed to students of basic education, "[...] require the establishment of the relevant professional competencies of teachers," i.e., the text makes clear the model by competence established for the curricula of initial teacher training courses (BRASIL, 2019, 2020). This Resolution under study is an educational policy that, by defining the National Curricular Guidelines and establishing the Common National Base for teacher education, defines, in an institutionalized national way, norms and guidelines for universities and HEIs to reorganize their curricular proposals for initial teacher education courses.

For ^{Siqueira, Dourado and Aguiar (2020}, p. 265), the Common National Curricular Base (BNCC), which justified the change in the national curricular guidelines for initial teacher training, denies "[...] the specificity of the teaching work, [...] by proposing a Base that homogenizes contents and parameterizes the evaluation processes". The authors state that there is in teacher education policies "[...] a discourse of incompetence, failure, individualization and, paradoxically, teacher accountability" (p. 269), and point out that "[...] the field of dispute in which the issue of teacher education and the BNCC is found builds an image that puts the root of educational problems back in the subjects and disregards the social, historical and concrete conditions in which education takes place [...]" (p. 270).

However, as ^{Siqueira, Dourado, and Aguiar (2020}, p. 275) point out, the role of universities, "[...] is not to prepare teachers based on market logic. The authors explain that they "[...] cannot operate with the restricted logic of quality and education that translates into the trinomial: content-skills-competencies [...]" (p. 275-276), and point out that the role of universities in teacher education

[...] is to promote a type of training in which the meaning of culture and the production of knowledge are expressed [...] having as its axis the guarantee of the social right to quality education for all, teaching as the formative axis, the articulation between theory and practice and the search for a citizen, democratic training for a more humane and just society. (^{SIQUEIRA; DOURADO; AGUIAR, 2020}, p. 276).

Regarding the evaluative processes, ^{Eyng (2015}, p. 134) considers that "The requirements of social quality education include intercultural curricula evaluated in an emancipatory way". According to the author, the "[...] emancipatory approach is guided on democratic assumptions, of social justice" (p. 140), in this context, the approach of "[...] emancipatory evaluation is linked to praxis, to planning that assumes the projection of the future, with a view to the development of strategic actions that effectuate the intended pedagogical intentionalities, in the search for social quality" (p. 140), sustains, that "[...] the emancipatory evaluation, in a post-critical, intercultural curricular approach, assures the fundamental right of access to the possibility of a social quality formation" (p. 142) and ponders, "[...] the educational quality, in the emancipatory perspective, goes beyond the efficient economic criteria" (p. 143).

About the design of this training policy, we agree with ^{Siqueira, Dourado, and Aguiar (2020}) and take ^{Ball's (2020}, p. 184) explanations that educational policies have been redesigned "[...] to meet the needs of the neoliberal state [...]" since the "Communities of educational policies are [...] being reconstituted and new political discourses and new narratives now flow through them" (p. 181). In this movement, the author adds, "[...] there is clearly now something we can call 'global educational politics' - a generic set of concepts, languages, and practices that is recognizable in various forms [...]" (p. 185. Author's emphasis).

Such aspects are corroborated by ^{Shiroma, Campos, and Garcia (2005}, p. 428) when in their research, when conducting systematic monitoring in national and international publications, they point to a "[...] growing trend towards homogenization of educational policies worldwide. The authors indicate that the massive diffusion of official documents has collaborated "[...] to the construction of this 'discursive hegemony'" (p. 429. Authors' emphasis) and raise as a hypothesis for this mass dissemination of documents the intention to "[...] popularize a set of information and justifications that make the reforms legitimate and desired" (p. 429). These are documents from international organizations, such as the "[...] World Bank (WB), United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), United Nations Development Program (UNDP), among others, [...]" (p. 430), which, "[...] popularize a set of information and justifications to make the reforms legitimate and desired" (p. 429). 430), which, "[...] through their documents not only [...] prescribe] the guidelines to be adopted, but also [... produce] the 'justifying' discourse of reforms that, prepared in other contexts, [... need] to build local consensuses for their implementation" (p. 430. Authors' emphasis).

Based on the above, we deduce that the educational policy (Resolution No. 2/2019) is not neutral and translates a justification for the choice of the model by competence established for the curricula of initial teacher training courses, because the pedagogy by competence guided by neoliberal principles, as ^{Santos and Mesquida (2007}, p. 53), was conducted "[...] from the business area to education and school, [... context in which] the passage of the use of the term 'competence' was a quick step, in particular from the moment neoliberalism began to influence public policies" as well as the "[...] definition of curriculum, school nomenclature and educational practices" (p. 53).

However, it is a fact that in the delineation of this policy there are spaces for discussion by the concordances, conflicts, and disagreements, that is, as ^{Shiroma, Campos, and Garcia (2005}, p. 431) clarify, there are "[...] contradictions internal to the formulations, since the texts show discordant voices, in dispute. As an example, the contradiction in the very text of art. 2 of Resolution CNE/CP No. 2/2019, which can point to "discordant voices" among legislators, since when establishing that "the teacher training presupposes the development, by the graduate, of the general competences foreseen in the BNCC-Basic Education, [. ...]", they define the "[...] essential learning to be guaranteed to the students, regarding the intellectual, physical, cultural, social, and emotional aspects of their training, having as perspective the full development of people, aiming the Comprehensive Education". That is, they use the term competence, which, in the neoliberal context, is anchored to aptitude, competition and notability and, on the other hand, they define the guarantee of emotional, cultural, and social development, which characterizes a more humanistic vision (BRASIL, 2019, 2020)

After clarifying the general points of the Resolution and some assumptions of analysis, we started the search in the text by the descriptors defined in Categories A (Affirmative action policies), B (Post-critical curriculum theory), and C (Challenges of intercultural education), as described in Chart 3.

In Category A (Affirmative action policies), the descriptors were used with different grammatical forms from Chart 3, when the first form was not found in the text of the Resolution. This search mode was repeated for the other categories. Of the seven descriptors defined in Category A - Affirmative action policies, four were not found in the text of the Resolution. They are: 'affirmative action/affirmative actions', 'quota/quotas', 'permanence/permanence/permanent' and 'Law 12.711/2012' also in the form '12.711'. With this absence, we can state that in the Resolution under analysis there is no explicit reference to guidelines for the monitoring of special access by affirmative action in initial teacher education courses. The descriptor 'access' was found four times in the text. On three occasions, it was linked to access to knowledge, information and curriculum, and once, in article 6, item VI, it referred to "equity in the access to initial and continuing education, contributing to the reduction of social, regional and local inequalities", which, although in a non-explicit way, refers to some kind of special entrance, with the goal of reducing inequalities. In this same quoted sentence, it is the only time that the descriptor 'inequality' appears, written in the plural. Finally, the descriptor 'equality' appears three times in the text, as an educational and teachers' commitment to the contents to be learned and related to the regional curricula. Every time the word equality appears, it is linked to the word equity, as a contribution for the school to "[...] build a more just and solidary society [...]", as we found in item 3.3.3 of the professional engagement dimension of the BNC-Training (BRASIL, 2019, 2020).

We understand that when speaking of "[...] equity in access to initial and continued training [...]", in art. 6, item VI (BRASIL, 2019, 2020), we are taken to one of the perspectives of multiculturalism, the assimilationist perspective, which, as ^{Candau (2008}) clarifies, is institutionalized in the form of policies of universalization of schooling, but without changes in the dynamics of institutions and curricula. This means that without changes in the curriculum, it is in this fragile context of universalization of education that affirmative action policies would fit.

In Category B (Post-critical theory of the curriculum), from the eight descriptors previously defined by the research, according to the theoretical framework studied, four of them were not found in the text of the Resolution by the defined word and neither by the variation in the form. They are subjectivity/subjectivity/subjective', 'discourse/discourse/discursive,’ representation/representation/represented', multiculturalism/multiculturalist/multicultural'. The descriptor 'power' was found once in the text, but was discarded because it meant ability, not influence.

Based on the above, only three descriptors were found, in their form variations: 'identity', in the plural 'identities', and in three opportunities, one of them in the ninth general teaching competency of the BNC-Training, which defines the future teacher as responsible for "exercising empathy, dialogue, conflict resolution and cooperation, making themselves respected and promoting respect for the other and for human rights [...]". For this improvement activity, it also talks about "[...] welcoming and valuing the diversity of individuals and social groups, their knowledge, identities, cultures, and potentialities, without prejudice of any kind, to promote a collaborative environment in learning environments". In skill 1.2.3 of the specific competence 1.2, of the professional knowledge dimension, it talks about "Know the students' life contexts, recognize their identities and design strategies to contextualize the learning process" and in item 3.2.3 of the professional engagement dimension, it describes about "Know, understand and give positive value to the different identities and needs of students, as well as being able to use technological resources as a pedagogical resource to ensure inclusion [...]" (BRASIL, 2019, 2020).

The reading of this ninth general teaching competency of the BNC-Training may even suggest that there is an intention of convergence with an education for the recognition of the 'other', for dialogue and for facing conflicts, propositions of the post-critical theory of curriculum, in the perspective of interculturality of multiculturalism, however, by placing the issue as an exclusive competence of the teacher, it does not contemplate a school structure, material, human and curriculum, which needs to work in a network of cooperation.

The descriptor 'difference', after searching in the forms 'difference/different/different', was found as 'different' in 18 opportunities, seven of them being discarded for not being related to a direct action to the student. Among the 11 mentions of the term that remained, we can highlight some of them, starting with the general teaching competence number 10, "Act and encourage, personally and collectively, [...], openness to different opinions and pedagogical conceptions, [...]", and the following texts found in the specific competences, skill 1.2.5 of the professional knowledge dimension, "Apply differentiated teaching strategies that promote the learning of students with different needs and disabilities, taking into account their diverse cultural, socioeconomic and linguistic contexts"; skill 2. 3.2.2 of the professional practice dimension, "Apply the different instruments and strategies for learning assessment, in a fair and comparable way, and the heterogeneity of students should be considered"; and skill 3.2.4 of the professional engagement dimension, "Pay attention to the different forms of physical and symbolic violence, as well as ethnic-racial discrimination practiced in schools and digital environments [...]" (BRAZIL, 2019, 2020).

The reading and analysis of competency 10 and its specifics show the teachinglearning process considering the heterogeneity of students, which suggests that it can be solved with teachers being open to different opinions and pedagogical conceptions, with teaching and learning assessment strategies that consider the different needs of students, being aware of forms of violence and discrimination. Such aspects refer to the differentialist approach of multiculturalism described by ^{Candau (2008}), by which the difference is recognized, tolerated, and respected, however, the discussions do not expand to the level of questioning the 'invisible' pre-established hierarchies between the different as a way of understanding inequalities.

The descriptor 'interculturality/interculturalism/intercultural' was found in one opportunity in the text, with the following description, when dealing with the guiding principles of the curricular organization of courses, in art. 7, item XIV: "Adoption of an intercultural perspective of valuing national history, culture and arts, as well as the contributions of the eth nic groups that constitute the Brazilian nationality", which signals the recognition of the importance of this principle in the curricular organization (BRASIL, 2019, 2020).

Category C (Challenges of intercultural education) refers to the keywords proposed by ^{Candau (2008}) to talk about the challenges of the intercultural approach within multiculturalism. Of the four descriptors selected in this category, two of them were not found in the text, either in the original form or using another grammatical form. They are: 'deconstruction/deconstruction/deconstructed' and 'rescue/rescue/resurrected'. Candau (2008), when using the term deconstruction, does so thinking of denaturalizing stereotypes and preconceptions and questioning the criteria used in the selection of curricula to destabilize the view of cultural hierarchy, besides using the term rescue for the processes of construction of cultural identities (personal and collective), which suggests the use of life stories to recognize and value the subject in the educational process, as well as to promote dialogue among the different knowledges, knowledge, and practices of the different cultural groups, in order to privilege, in this way, the integration of cultures and the construction of new cultural identities.

The descriptor 'articulation' was found six times throughout the text. Two discards occurred because they referred to articulation between sectors and legislation. Among the four occurrences that remained, three of them refer to articulation in the process of teacher training, associating theory and practice, initial and continuing training, and practical activities in the classroom to the probationary internship, and one found in art. 13, item IX, which proposes the "articulation between the contents of the areas and the components of the BNCC-Training with the political foundations concerning equity, equality and understanding of the teacher's commitment to the content to be learned" (BRASIL, 2019, 2020), however, the break with the monocultural character of the school culture is not made explicit.

The descriptor 'promote' was found twice in the text of the Resolution, a word that for ^{Candau (2008}) refers to the challenge of promoting experiences of interaction with the 'other' in a systematic and not punctual way. In the general teaching competency number 9, of the BNC-Training, this descriptor appears in the text, however, there is no reference to the occurrence of this descriptor in a systematic way in school, i.e., the emphasis is on "Exercising empathy, dialogue, conflict resolution and cooperation, making yourself respected and promoting respect for the other and for human rights [. ...]” and adds that this can happen "[...] with welcoming and valuing the diversity of individuals and social groups, their knowledge, identities, cultures, and potentialities, without prejudice of any kind, to promote a collaborative environment in learning environments". It also brings the discussion to the scope of digital technologies by writing in the specific competence 3.2, skill 3.2.4 of the professional engagement dimension, about the need for teachers' attention to acts of violence and discrimination, whether in the classroom or in the virtual environment, in order to "[...] promote the ethical, safe and responsible use of digital technologies" (BRASIL, 2019, 2020), i.e., the 'other' must be respected in all interaction environments.

Based on the evidence located in the text of Resolution CNE/CP No. 2/2019, we found few attempts to engage the multiculturalist view in the national curriculum guidelines and the BNC-Training. Although interculturality has appeared as one of the guiding principles of the curricular organization of the courses, it is closer to the context of the assimilationist and differentialist version, without mentioning the term multiculturalism, versions that suggest tolerance, recognition and respect of different subjects, but do not expand the discussions of identity and difference to the level of questioning power relations as a way to understand inequalities.

Temporary Considerations

Of the numerous possible interpretative analyses of the Resolution CNE/CP No. 2/2019, which define the "National Curricular Guidelines for Initial Training of Teachers for Basic Education" and the "Common National Base for Initial Training of Basic Education Teachers (BNC-Training)", we selected to analyze it in the interface with educational policies of affirmative action for entry into initial teacher training courses. In this context, the theoretical framework used led us to the understanding that the post-critical theory of curriculum, in the view of interculturality of multiculturalism, is the one that caters to students entering through affirmative action policies and to all those who enter the HEIs.

Based on this study proposal, with previously defined categories, we analyzed the text of Resolution CNE/CP No. 2/2019 to establish the presence or absence of representative elements of affirmative action and post-critical theory of curriculum, in the approach of interculturalism, for taking the challenges that involve this way of considering education, as integral to the reality of those entering teacher education courses.

In this document, which defines teacher education in Brazil, we can see the great challenges and the limitations in the development of intercultural education, represented by the significant absence of an intercultural education, an aspect that shows that these challenges continue to be great provocations for Brazilian education, since this teacher education proposal follows the market logic, anchored in content, skills and competencies, which reduces learning to the results of institutional evaluations. It is based on aspects related to the teacher's accountability, to the disregard of social, historical, cultural, and economic conditions of teacher training, and does not guarantee the social right to quality education for all, in which the articulation between theory and practice is aligned with a citizen and democratic training and the construction of a more humane and just society.